MEMOIR 



LIFE OF JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 



MASSACHUSETTS : 



BY HIS SON, 



JOSIAH QUINCY 



• Breve et irreparabile tempus 

Omnibus est vitm ; scd famani extendere factis, 
Hoc virtutis opus. 



BOSTON : 

PUBLISHED BY CUMMINGS, HILLIARD, Sf COMPANY. 

1825. 



A- ^ 



G & 



'M4^q7 




DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS, TO WIT: 

District Clerk's Office. 
Be it remembered, that on the twenty-first day of May, A. D. 1825, 
in the nineteentli year of the Itulependence of the United States of Amer- 
ica, Cummiiigs, Milliard, & Co. of the said district, have deposited in this 
office the title of a book, the right wiiereof they claim as proprietors, 
in the words following, to wit : 

" Memoir of the Life of Josiah Quincy Jun. of Massachusetts : by his 
son, Josiah Quincy. 

Breve ct irreparabile tempus 

Omnibus est vitte ; sed famam e.Kteudere factis, 
Hoc vJrtutis opus.'' 

In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, enti- 
tled, '' An Act for the encouragement of learning, by securins; the copies 
of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such cop- 
ies, during the times therein mentioned:" and also to an Act, entitled, 
" An Act, supplementary to an Act, entitled, ' An Aci for the encourage- 
nient of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to 
the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein 
mentioned ;' and extending tlie benefits thereof to tiie arts of design- 
ing, engraving, and etching historical, and other prints." 

.JNO. W. DAVIS, 
Clerk of the District of Massacfiusells, 



University Press. — Hilliard fy Metcalf, .' ' 



•>» 



■^ 






TO THE 



CITIZENS OF BOSTON, 

This Memoir of one, who, in times of great peril 
and oppression, was among the most strenuous 
assertors of the riglits of the inhabitants of this 
metropolis, is respectfully dedicated, 

By their fellow citizen, 

JOSIAH QUINCY. 

Boston, April :2G, 1825. 



^ 



PREFACE. 



By the lapse of half a century, the actors in the 
scenes immediately preceding the war of the A- 
merican Revolution, begin to be placed in a light 
and at a distance, favourable at once to right feel- 
ing and just criticism. In the possession of free- 
dom, happiness, and prosperity, seldom if ever be- 
fore equalled in the history of nations, the hearts 
of the American people naturally turn tovt^ards the 
memories of those, who, under Providence, were 
the instruments of obtaining these blessings. Cu- 
riosity awakens concerning their characters and 
motives. The desire grows daily more universal to 
repay, with a late and distant gratitude, their long 
neglected, and often forgotten, sacrifices and suf- 
ferings. 

Among the men, whose character and political 
conduct had an acknowledged i nfluence on the 
events of that period, was Josiah Quincy Jun. The 
unanimous consent of his contemporaries has asso- 
ciated his name, in an imperishable union, with 
that of Otis, Adams, Hancock, Warren, and other 



VI 

distinguished men, whose talents and intrepidity 
influenced the events which led to the declaration 
of Independence. This honour has been grant- 
ed to him. notwithstanding his political path was, 
in every period of its short extent, interrupt- 
ed by intense professional labours, and was termi- 
nated by death at the early age of thirty-one years. 

The particular features of a life and charac- 
ter, capable, under such circumstances, of attain- 
ing so great a distinction, are objects of curiosity 
and interest. Those who recollect him, speak of 
his eloquence, his genius, and his capacity for in- 
tellectual labour ; of the inextinguishable zeal and 
absorbing ardour of his exertions, whether directed 
to political or professional objects; of the entireness 
with which he threw his soul into every cause in 
which he engaged ; of the intrepidity of his spirit, 
and of his indignant sense of the wrongs of his 
country. 

It is certain that he made a deep impression on 
his contemporaries. Those who remember the ]k>- 
litical debates in Fanueil Hall, consequent on the 
Stamp Act, the Boston Massacre, and the Boston 
Port-Bill, have yet a vivid recollection of the pa- 
thos of his eloquence, the boldness of his invectives, 
and the impressive vehemence with which he ar- 
raigned the measures of the British ministry, inflam- 
ing the zeal and animating the resentment of an 
oppressed people. 



Ml 

These recollections, however, arc evanescent. 
The peculiarities of tone, gesture, and turn of 
thought, which distinguished the orator, jjerish with 
him, and with those who were witnesses of their 
effect. It is among written memorials that the his- 
torian must look for those traits of virtue and tal- 
ent which fix the destiny of character, and by which 
the false is detected and the true established. 

The chief memorials of Josiah Quincy Jun. be- 
longing to this class, were, by his last will, be- 
queathed to his son, the editor of this work. They 
have frequently been solicited for publication, but, 
with the exception of the few extracts which Gordon 
made and inserted in the first volume of his Histo- 
ry of the American Revolution, no part has before 
been submitted to the press. They are now given 
to the general eye, not so much because they be- 
long to that individual, as because his memory, 
from the circumstances of his life, death, character, 
and labours, is inseparably identified with the 
limes in which he lived, and with the fortunes of 
his country. 

A memoir of this kind has been often urged on 
the editor as a duty. But it is difficult for a son to 
execute such a task, without being suspected of un- 
due bias, or of motives different from those which 
are avowed. Obstacles of this character have de- 
ferred until the present time, and would have post- 



Vlll 



poned until a still more distant period, this pub- 
lication, had they not been overcome by consid- 
erations arising from the uncertainty of life, from 
the accidents to which all manuscripts are ex- 
posed, and from a sense of duty as well to the indi- 
vidual as to the public. The few facts known con- 
cerning his life, extracts from his writings, and orig- 
inal letters, to and from distinguished men of his 
time, will be inserted in chronological order, and 
selected exclusively with reference to the light 
they throw on character, motives, and principles. 

His pamphlet on the Boston Port-Bill will be 
subjoined. Although temporary in its object, it is 
among the best remaining evidences of the spirit 
and political principle of the period in which it was 
written. Nor can it fail of permanent interest 
from its connexion with the history of this metrop- 
olis, and with that most oppressive measure of the 
British ministry, which, more than any other, pre- 
cipitated the crisis of the American Revolution. 

Of all monuments raised to the memory of dis- 
tinguished men, the most appropriate, and the least 
exceptionable, are those, whose foundations are 
laid in their own works, and which are constructed 
of materials, supplied and wrought by their own 
labours. 



MEMOIR. 



JosiAH QuTNCY Juii. was a descendant from 
one of those pilgrims, who, in the reign of Charles 
the First, sought, in these western regions, an asy- 
lum from civil and religious persecution. His 
ancestor, Edmund Quincy, came from England 
with the Rev. John Cotton, and arrived at Boston 
in the month of September 1633. In November 
following, his name and that of his wife are men- 
tioned on the records of the First Church. He 
was elected the succeeding x.lay, by the town of 
Boston, one of its first representatives to the 
first General Court held in the Colony ; and it 
appears by the records of that town, that " on the 
tenth day of the ninth month, 1634, Edmund 
Quincy and others were appointed to make and 
assess a tax of thirty pounds to Mr Blackstone," 
to purchase his right and title to the peninsula of 
" Shawmut," now Boston. 
1 



2 

In 1635, the town of Boston granted lands at 
Mount Wollaston to William Coddington and 
Edmund Quincy ; who took possession of them 
in the following year. Edmund Quincy died soon 
after, at the age of thirty-three. 

His only son, Edmund Quincy, was born in 
England, in 1627. He inherited and settled on 
his father's estate at Mount Wollaston, afterwards 
Braintree ; was a magistrate of the county, and 
Lieutenant Colonel of the Suffolk regiment. He 
died in 1697, having had two sons, Daniel and 
Edmund. Daniel, the eldest, died before his 
father, leaving one son, John, born in 1689. 

John Quincy was an inhabitant of the town of 
Braintree, and was one of the most distinguished 
public characters of that period. He held the 
office of Speaker of the House of Representatives, 
longer than any other person, during the Charter 
of William and Mary ; and served as representative 
from the town of Braintree, and as member of the 
Executive Council of the Province for forty suc- 
cessive years. His paternal estate (Mount Wol- 
laston), on which he resided during his whole 
life, is now the property of his great grandson, 
John Quincy Adams. 



3 

Edmund, the youngest son of Edmund Quincy, 
was born in Braintree, in October 1681 ; was 
graduated at Harvard College in 1699 ; and en- 
tered early into public life, as representative of 
the town of Braintree, and afterwards as member 
of the Executive Council. He held the commis- 
sion of Judge of the Supreme Court of the colony, 
from the year 1718, to his death. A controversy 
having occurred between the province of Massa- 
chusetts Bay and that of New Hampshire, rela- 
tive to their respective boundary lines, he was 
appointed by the General Court of Massachusetts, 
their agent at the Court of Great Britain. In 
December 1737, he embarked for England, on 
that mission. Soon after his arrival in London, 
he died of the smallpox, February 23, 1738, at 
the age of fifty-seven. His death was deeply 
lamented by his countrymen. The General 
Court of Massachusetts, as an acknowledgment 
of his worth, and considering that his life had 
fallen a sacrifice in the public service, made a 
donation to his heirs, of one thousand acres of 
land, in the town of Lenox, in the county of 
Berkshire ; and caused a monument to be erected 
over his grave in Bunhill-fields, London, at the 
expense of the colony. 



This Edmund Qiiiiicy left two sons, Edmund 
and Josiah. Edmund, the eldest, was born in 
Braintree, in 1703, was educated at Harvard 
College, and received his de«ree in 1722. He was 
many years a merchant in Boston. Afterwards he 
resided on his paternal estate in Braintree ; was 
author of "A Treatise on Hemp Husbandry," 
published in 1765, and died an acting magistrate 
of the county of Suffolk, in July 1788, at the 
age of eighty-five. 

Josiah, the youngest son of Edmund Quincy, 
was born in Braintree, in 1709. He was graduated 
at Harvard College, in 1728, and entered into 
business as a merchant in Boston. In 1737, he 
accompanied his father to England, passed seve- 
ral years in Europe at different periods of his life, 
and finally returned to America in 1749. He 
was appointed in 1755, by Governor Shirley, joint 
commissioner with Thomas Pownall, afterwards 
Governor Pownall, to negotiate with the colonies 
of Pennsylvania and New York, for assistance in 
erecting a frontier barrier against the French, at 
Ticonderoga. In this mission he availed himself 
of the influence of Dr Franklin,* and was success- 
ful. The particular circumstances of this negotia- 

* Sec vVppendix. 



tion are related in the Memoirs of that great 
man, written by himself. 

Josiah Quincy retired in 1756 from business, 
and resided in Braintree, on his portion of his 
paternal estate, until his death, in 1784. His 
latter years were embittered by the loss of his 
youngest son, the subject of these memoirs, with 
whose zeal in the cause of American liberty, he 
cordially co-operated ; and whose reputation for 
genius, and rising promise of future usefulness and 
distinction, he had cherished as the hope and so- 
lace of his declining years. He was in friend- 
ship and correspondence with Washington, Adams, 
Franklin, Bowdoin, and other distinguished char- 
acters of that period.* His first wife was Hannah 
Sturgis, daughter of John Sturgis Esq. of Yar- 
mouth, by whom he had three sons. 

Edmund, the eldest, was born in Braintree, in 
October 1733. He received his degree at Har- 
vard College in 1752, entered into business as a 
merchant in Boston, and visited England in 17G0, 
and 1763. He was the intimate friend of Dr 
May hew, and a correspondent of Thomas Hol- 

* As the letters of such men cannot fail of being inteVcst- 
uig to their countrymen, a few of those, found among the pa- 
pers of Josiah Quincy, are inserted in tiie Appendix. 



lis Esq. of London.* Being a zealous whig and a 
political writer of that period, he would have 
probably taken an active part in the American 
Revolution, had his life been spared. But his 
health declining under a pulmonary complaint, he 
sailed, by the advice of his physicians, to the West 
Indies, and died at sea in March 1768, at the age 
of thirty-live years. 

Samuel Quincy, the second son, was graduated 
at Harvard College in 1754 ; engaged in the study 
of the law, and became eminent in that profession. 
He was appointed Solicitor General of the prov- 
ince, under the crown, and held that office until 
the revolution. Influenced by his official duties 
and connexions, his political course was opposed 
to that of the other members of his family. On 
the termination of the siege of Boston in 1776, 
he left this country with other loyalists. He 
was appointed attorney for the crown in the 
island of Antigua, which office he held until his 
death in 1789. 

The youngest son of Josiah Quincy, having died 
in the lifetime of his father, was knoAvn to his 
contemporaries by the name of Josiah Quincy Jun. 

* A letter from Mr Hollis is inserted in the Appendix t© 
this Avork. 



He was born in Boston February 23, 1744. The 
delicacy of his constitution, during his infancy 
and childhood, excited the anxiety of his friends. 
As he advanced towards manhood their apprehen- 
sions were increased by the extreme sensibility of 
his temperament, and the ardour and industry by 
which, even in youth, he was distinguished. 

These qualities characterized him through life, 
and being brought into strong activity by the 
political excitement of the period, caused the early 
termination of his career. 

Josiah Quincy Jun. acquired the rudiments of 
a classical education at Braintree, under the tuition 
of Mr Joseph Marsh, who was for many years 
master of a highly respected private school in that 
town. In 1759, he entered Harvard University, 
where his industry, zeal, and unconquerable thirst 
for learning, were conspicuous. His taste was 
refined by an intimate acquaintance with the an- 
cient classics, and his soul elevated and touched 
by the spirit of freedom they breathe. His com- 
positions during this period also prove, that he w as 
extensively conversant with the best writers of 
the French and English schools. Above all, the 
genius of Shakspeare seems to have led captive 
his youthful imagination. In his writings, quota- 



8 

tions, or forms of expression, modelled upon those 
of that author, ^perpetually recur. There still ex- 
ists among his papers, a manuscript of the date 
of 1762, he then being in the junior class of the 
college, of seventy closely and minutely written 
quarto pages of extracts from that writer. 

He was graduated in 1763, with unblemished 
reputation. Three years afterwards, on taking 
the degree of Master of Arts, he pronounced the 
English oration, at that time a new thing in the 
exercises of the University, and considered its 
highest academic honor. His subject was " pa- 
triotism," and it appears by the periodical publi- 
cations of the day, that he acquired, both on 
account of the composition and delivery, great 
reputation. 

From the University, he passed in 1763, into 
the office of Oxenbridge Thacher Esq. in Boston, 
one of the most eminent lawyers of the period, 
and entered upon the study of the law with that 
intense ardour and industry, which were his dis- 
tinguishing characteristics. Mr Thacher died in 
July 1765. Mr Quincy remained in the office 
during the residue of his student's term, took a 
general oversight of its concerns, and on entering 
his professional career, succeeded to an extensive 



9 

practice, which his talents, diligence, and fidelit}', 
in a great measure, secured to himself. His in- 
dustry while a student, and during the first years 
of his profession is proved by several manuscript 
volumes, in his own hand, consisting of " Reports 
of cases, and points of law, solemnly adjudged in 
the Supreme Court of the Province," part of 
which are original, and part copied from the min- 
utes of eminent lawyers. 

The arguments of Auchmuty, Thacher, Grid- 
ley, Otis, Adams, and other distinguished lawyers, 
with the cases cited, in various important ques- 
tions, are here abstracted and preserved. 

On commencing the practice of the law, he 
early became distinguished for the zeal with which 
he engaged in the service of his clients, and the 
learning and eloquence of his arguments both to 
the court and jury. Otis, Adams, Sewall, and 
the other great luminaries of the bar at that 
period, were by many years his seniors. His- 
practice, however, soon became extensive, and his 
high rank as a lawyer was acknowledged by his 
contemporaries. Although his attachment to pro- 
fessional pursuits was strong, and his attention to 
his business unremitting, yet the political circum- 
stances of the times were of a character to call into 
2 



10 

immediate action that love of country, which was 
the deep-seated passion of his soul. 

Notwithstanding the repeal of the Stamp Act. 
in March 1766, the avowal contained in that re- 
peal, " of the absolute right of Parliament to bind 
the Colonies, in all cases whatsoever," had excit- 
ed great alarm, and just discontent, among the 
friends of liberty in America. The course of 
measures adopted by the British ministry towards 
the town of Boston, tended to quicken those 
fears, and extend that discontent. In the autumn 
of 1766, the companies of Royal Artillery, then 
stationed at Castle Island in the harbour of this 
town, were augmented. In the June folloAving, 
additional reinforcements arrived. In July 1767, 
the British cabinet resolved upon new restrictions 
on American commerce. It was determined to 
raise a farther revenue by imposts, additional to 
those already existing, and which were, in them- 
selves, sufficiently obnoxious and oppressive. The 
number of the officers of the customs was to be 
multiplied. The governor, judges, and revenue 
officers, were to be paid by the crown, without 
resort to the colonial legislature. The military 
force in the colonies was largely to be increased, 
and the power of the military commanders to be 



11 

augmented, so as to make them more effective in- 
struments in putting down opposition. 

The knowledge of this revived scheme of op- 
pression, reached America in the September of 
that year, accompanied by letters from the friends 
of American liberty in Europe, stating that it 
was the intention of the administration to cause 
the authors of the riots, and the writers of the 
seditious pieces in America, to be arrested and 
sent to England to be tried for high treason. 
This news rekindled the flame which the repeal of 
the Stamp Act had, in some degree, allayed. The 
public prints became immediately the vehicles of 
the boldest language, and the most vivid excite- 
ment. At this time, Mr Quincy, as far as can 
be gathered from his papers, first commenced his 
political animadversions on the times, and their 
resulting duties. Two pieces, signed Hyperion, 
were published by him in the Boston Gazette, 
in the latter end of September, and the beginning 
of October, 1767. The following extracts will 
show both the temper of the times, and the spirit 
of the writer. - . i' 



12 

"It cannot be , 
But we are pigeon-livered, and lack gall 
To make oppression bitter." 

" When I reflect on the exalted character of 
the ancient Britons, on the fortitude of our illustri- 
ous predecessors, on the noble struggles of the late 
memorable period, and from these reflections, 
when, bj a natural transition, I contemplate the 
gloomy aspect of the present day, my heart is 
alternately torn with doul^t and hope, despond- 
ency and terror. Can the true, generous magna- 
nimity of British heroes be entirely lost in their 
degenerate progeny ? Is the genius of Liberty, 
which so late inflamed our bosoms, fled forever ? 

" An attentive observer of the deportment of 
some particular persons in this metropolis, would 
be apt to imagine that the grand point was gained ; 
that the spirit of the people was entirely broken 
to the yoke ; that all America was subjugated to 
bondage. Already the minions of power, in fancy 
fatten, and grow wanton on the spoils of the land. 
They insolently toss the head, and put on the air of 
contemptuous disdain. In the imaginary possess- 
ion of lordships and dominions, these potentates 
and powers dare tell us, that our oidy hope is to 
crouch, to cow 1 under, and to kiss the iron rod of 



13 

oppression. Precious sample of the meek and 
lowly temper of those, who are destined to be our 
lords and masters ! 

" Be not deceived, my countrymen. Believe 
not these venal hirelings when they would cajole 
you by their subtleties into submission, or frighten 
you by their vapourings into compliance. When 
they strive to flatter you by the terms ' modera- 
tion and prudence,' tell them, that calmness and 
deliberation are to guide the judgment ; courage 
and intrepidity command the action. When 
they endeavour to make us ' perceive our inability 
to oppose our mother country,' let us boldly an- 
swer : In defence of our civil and religious rights, 
we dare oppose the world ; with the God of armies 
on our side, even the God who fought our fathers' 
battles, we fear not the hour of trial, though the 
hosts of our enemies should cover the field like 
locusts. If this be enthusiasm, we will live and 
die enthusiasts. n:<^ nu- • »^'' 

"Blandishments will not fascinate tl^,ttor will 
threats of a ' halter' intimidate. For under God, 
we are determined, that wheresoever, whenso- 
ever, or howsoever, we shall be called to make 
our exit, we will die freemen. Well do we 
know that all the regalia of this world cannot 



14 

dignify the death of a villain, nor diminish the 
ignominy, with which a slave shall quit his exis- 
tence. Neither can it taint the unblemished hon- 
our of a son of freedom, though he should make 
his departure on the already prepared gibbet, or 
be dragged to the newly erected scaffold for exe- 
cution. With the plaudits of his conscience he 
will go off the stage. A crown of joy and im- 
mortality shall be his reward. The history of his 
life his children shall venerate. The virtues of 
their sire shall excite their emulation." 

Other political essays, breathing the same spirit, 
and tending to rouse the indignation of his coun- 
trymen, at the measures of the British cabinet, 
were published by him in the Boston Gazette, in 
the course of the ensuing year. A letter written 
about this time to one of his friends, strongly 
depicts his feelings, and indicates the absorbing 
influence, with which the enthusiasm of the period 
had possessed his heart and und' rstanding. 



15 

TO THE REV. JOHN EAGLESON. 

''Boston, Sept. 15, 1768. 
" Respected Sir, 

" Your friendly letter came to hartd a few days 
since, and a leisure moment now presenting, I 
with pleasure seize the opportunity of writing to 
you. The rights and liberties of Americans be- 
come every day more and more the serious object 
of attention. As political disputation increases, a 
settlement of the point in question removes far- 
ther and farther from the design of both parties. 
Private pique, envy, and personal resentment soon 
preclude a fair and candid discussion, and in- 
temperate passions will forever prevent any equit- 
able decii^ion. 

" The present aspect of the day is gloomy in- 
deed, yet we are far from despair. Though the 
clouds, full charged, rise thick and fast, the thun- 
ders roll, and lightnings play, nay, it is said, are 
just within striking distance, there are not want- 
ing those amon^ us, who believe that proper 
conductors will safely carry off all the political 
fluid, the clouds disperse, and the sky soon be- 
come calm and serene. Visionaries, you know, 
are credulous, enthusiasts are bold and enterpris- 
ing ; many such, Mr Eagleson is sensible, inhabit 
these northern regions. 



16 

" We Americans have a righteous cause. We 
know it. The power of Great Britain may op- 
press, nay, for a time apparently subdue us. But, 
before all the freeborn sons of the north will 
yield a general and united submission, to any 
tyrannic power on earth, fire and sword, famine 
and slaughter, desolation and ruin, will ravage 
the land. When thus I venture, without any pre- 
tence to the spirit of prophecy, at a hasty predic- 
tion, you will probably smile at my reverie. But 
you know, political dreamers are the most ob- 
stinate, and incorrigible, of all sinners. You 
will see, by our public prints, the late transactions 
of this town, and the situation that we are in at 
present. Daily in the expectation of troops ; 
some say three regiments, and three ships of the 
line. Opinions differ respecting what ought, and 
what will be, the deportment of this people. On 
the one hand, a swarm of court dependants, and 
a standing army in the bowels of a state, have 
been in all ages, and nations, thought, and found 
to be, the bane of civil freedom. On the other, 
an open rupture with Great Britain (I had like to 
have said mother state), is a dreadful alternative. 

" But our all is at stake ! The pulse of the 
people beats high, and it may well be imagined, 



17 

that in our present state, all ranks among us are 
much agitated. This therefore may apologize for 
my not being in a facetious, and proper frame 
of mind, to answer some parts of your entertain- 
ing letter. To see the daily blunders which are 
committed, and the deep tragedy wiiich is now 
acting, on the political theatre, and not to be 
moved, is to be an unfeeling wretch indeed. If 
the contempt and indignation of every sensible 
and humane man in Christendom, were sufficient 
to explode a political system, there would be 
some hopes of seeing ' Venice Preserved and the 
Plot Discovered.' " 

About the last of September of this year, two 
British regiments, the 14th under the command of 
Colonel Dairy m pie, and the 29th under that of 
Lieut. Colonel Carr, arrived in Boston from Hali- 
fax. They were landed from fourteen ships of 
war, which lay with their broadsides towards the 
town, with springs on their cables, and their guns 
ready to fire, in case of the least opposition. With 
muskets charged, bayonets fixed, drums beating, 
fifes playing, and a complete train of artillery, the 
troops took possession of the common, the state- 
house, the court-house, and Faneuil hall. The 
3 



m 

main-guard, with two pieces of artillery, was sta- 
tioned at the state-house, with their guns pointed 
towards it. The town wore the aspect of a gar- 
rison. Counsellors, as they entered the council- 
chamber, citizens, as they passed and repassed 
on their private business, were challenged by sen- 
tinels, ij,- ,,, jujijn 

It was at this moment, and under such a state 
of terror and danger, that Mr Quincy published 
" Hyperion " in the Boston Gazette of the third of 
October. As it is strongly indicative of the 
temper of that most eventful moment, as well as 
eminently characteristic of the mind and feelings 
of the writer, it will be here published entire. 

,.,f* ' The aggregated judgment of the common peo- 
ple,' says an eminent writer, ' discerns most truly 
the errors of government, forasmuch as they are 
the first to be sure to smart under them. In this 
only they come to be shortsighted ; that though 
they know the diseases, they understand not the 
remedies, and though good patients, they are ill 
physicians.' 

" What are the present sentiments of the inhab- 
itants of North America ? Discern they not most 
truly, and smart they not most severely under the 



19 

errors of government ? The disease is known and 
felt ; but where is the remedy, — where is the phy- 
sician ? For the people to ask counsel is deemed 
treasonable ; to assemble themselves to consult, is 
denominated rebellion. Thus would some poten- 
tates terrify mankind with a few sounding, technic- 
al expressions. It has been found in all ages diffi- 
cult to persuade men, by the most refined court- 
chicane, out of their reason ; and tyrants have ever 
found it impossible to argue, sooth, or frighten the 
common people out of their feelings. It is truly 
strange to hear the arguments, and see the parade 
of some at this day. One would from their con- 
duct be induced to imagine, they thought it the 
most likely way of dispiriting the people, to render 
their case irremediable. Certainly such politicians 
have little studied the volume of nature. A nation, 
not as yet entirely enervated by luxury, not wholly 
depressed by slavery, when reduced to despair, 
are invincible to a proverb. 

" After what has been said and -wrote on both 
sides of the Atlantic, upon colony-affairs ; after the 
most perspicuous demonstration of the illegality 
and ill-policy of the measures pursued against this 
continent ; it would be an affront to the under- 
standing to attempt setting the matter in a clearer 



point of view. The meanest capacity must per- 
ceive, the remotest peasant in the wilds of Ameri- 
ca must feel, the consequences. 

" British taxations, suspensions of legislatures, 
and standing armies, are but some of the clouds, 
which overshadow the northern world. Heaven 
grant that a grand constellation of virtues may 
shine forth with redoubled lustre, and enlighten 
this gloomy hemisphere ! 

" If ever there was a time, this is the hour, for 
Americans to rouse themselves, and exert every 
ability. Their all is at a hazard, and the die of 
fate spins doubtful ! In vain do we talk of mag- 
nanimity and heroism, in vain do we trace a de- 
scent from the worthies of the earth, if we inherit 
not the spirit of our ancestors. Who is he, who 
boasteth of his patriotism ? Has he vanquished 
luxury, and subdued the worldly pride of his heart? 
Is he not yet drinking the poisonous draught, and 
rolling the sweet morsel under his tongue ? He, 
who cannot conquer the little vanity of his heart, 
and deny the delicacy of a debauched palate, let 
him lay his hand upon his mouth, and his mouth 
in the dust. 

"Now is the time for this people to summon 
every aid, human and divine; to exhibit every 



21 

moral virtue, and call forth every christian grace. 
The wisdom of the serpent, the innocence of the 
dove, and the intrepidity of the lion, with the 
blessing of God, will yet save us from the jaws 
of destruction. "*^^'' ^'"' ''^'^ .>'^'rmR TiiLfif>ni;JK hw 

"Where is the boasted liberty of Englishmen, 
if property may be disposed of, charters suspend- 
ed, assemblies dissolved, and every valued right 
annihilated, at the uncontrollable will of an ex- 
ternal power ? Does not every man, who feels 
one ethereal spark yet glowing in his bosom, find 
his indignation kindle, at the bare imagination of 
such wrongs ? What would be our sentiments, 
were this imagination realized ? 

" Did the blood of the ancient Britons swell* 
OUT veins, did the spirit of our forefathers inhabit 
our breasts, should we hesitate a moment in pre-' 
ferring death, to a miserable existence in bondage ?" 
Did we reflect on their toils, their dangers, their 
iiery trials, the thought would inspire unconquer- 
able courage. " ' 

'* Who has the front to ask. Wherefore do yoti ' 
complain ? Who dares assert, every thing worth ' 
living for is not lost, when a nation is enslaved ? 
Are not pensioners, stipendiaries, and salary men, 
(unknown before,) hourly multiplying on us, to 



2-2 

riot in the spoils of miserable America ? Does 
not (Bvery eastern gale waft us some new insect, 
even of that devouring kind, which eat up every 
green thing. Is not the bread taken out of the 
children's mouths and given unto the dogs ? Are 
not our estates given to corrupt sycophants, with- 
out a design, or even a pretence of soliciting our 
assent, and our lives put into the hands of those 
whose tender mercies are cruelties ? Has not an 
authority in a distant land, in the most public 
manner, proclaimed a right of disposing of the all 
of Americans ? In short, what have we to lose — 
what have we to fear ? Are not our distresses 
more than we can bear ; and to finish all, are 
not our cities, in a time of profound peace, filled 
with standing armies, to preclude us from that 
last solace of the wretched — to open their mouths 
in complaint, and send forth their cries in bitter- 
ness of heart ? 

" But is there no ray of hope ? Is not Great 
Britain inhabited by the children of those renown- 
ed barons, who waded through seas of crimson 
gore to establish their liberty ; and will they not 
allow lis, their fellow men, to enjoy that freedom, 
which we claim from nature, which is confirmed 
by SAr constitution, and which they pretend ^o 



23 

liighly to value ? Were a tyrant to conquer us, 
the chains of shivery, when opposition should 
become useless, might be supportable ; but to be 
shackled by Englishmen, — by our equals, — is 
not to be borne ! 

^^ By the sweat of our brow, we earn the little 
we possess ; from nature we derive the common 
rights of man ; — and by charter we claim the liber- 
ties of Britons! Shall we, — dare we, — pusillani- 
mously surrender our birthright ? Is the obliga- 
tion to our fathers discharged, is the debt we owe 
posterity paid ? Answer me, thou coward ! who 
hidest thyself in the hour of trial ! If there is no 
reward in this life, no prize of glory in the next, 
capable of animating thy dastard soul ; think and 
tremble, thou miscreant ! at the whips and stripes 
thy master shall lash thee with on earth, — and the 
flames, and scorpions, thy second master shall 
torment thee with hereafter ! 

" Oh, my countrymen ! what will our children 
say, when they read the history of these times, 
should they find we tamely gave away, without 
one noble struggle, the most invaluable of earthly 
blessings ? As they drag the galling chain, will 
they not execrate us? If we have any respect 
for things sacred ; any regard to the dearest treas- 



lire on earth ; — if we have one tender sentiment 
for posterity ; if we would not be despised by the 
whole world ; — let us, in the most open, solemn 
manner, and with determined fortitude, swear, — 
we will die, — if we cannot live freemen ! 

" Be not lulled, my countrymen, with vain 
imaginations, or idle fancies. To hope for the 
protection of Heaven, without doing our duty, 
and exerting ourselves as becomes men, is to mock 
the Deity. Wherefore had man his reason, if it 
were not to direct him ? Wherefore his strength, 
if it be not his protection ? To banish folly and 
luxury, correct vice and immorality, and stand 
immoveable in the freedom, in which we are free 
indeed, is eminently the duty of each individual, 
at this day. When this is done, we may rational- 
ly hope for an answer to our prayers ; for the 
whole counsel of God, and the invincible armour 
of the Almighty. 

" However righteous our cause, we cannot, in 
this period of the world, expect a miraculous sal- 
vation. Heaven will undoubtedly assist us, if we 
act like men ; but to expect protection from above, 
while we are enervated by luxury, and slothful in 
the exertion of those abilities with w hich we are 
endued, is an expectation vain and foolish. With 



25 

the smiles of Heaven, virtue, unanimity, and firm- 
ness will insure success. While we have equity, 
justice, and God, on our side, Tyranny, spiritual 
or temporal, shall never ride triumphant in a land 
inhabited by Englishmen." 

The following extract from a letter, written to 
his father, in December, 1768, on a subject of 
personal interest, marks how deeply the love of 
independence was impressed upon his heart ; and 
how consistent were the principles of his private 
and public life. 

" An independency, in the strict sense of the 
word, I know is not the lot of man ; but to re- 
strain, to a certain degree, the instability of for- 
tune, is much in our })ower. So far then, an in- 
depeudence is attainable. Let those, W'ho will, 
laugh at the paltry certainty which is to be gained. 
Surely, it would be some alleviation under the 
pressure of misfortune, to think, that our own folly 
and rashness contributed in no part to the heavy 
burden. Aias ! how few of the sons of men have 
this happy consolation. Hence, most of those 
idle and vague declamations, which we so often 
hear, upon the fickleness and inconstancy of for- 
4 



tune. When thoroughly examined, the grand 
source is found in the hasty presumption of a fool- 
ish vanity, or the weak irresolution of a vicious 
heart. To apply for assistance, where my own 
foresight might have prevented the necessity, 
would be to me worse than death. Early in life, 
I was fixed ; experience has confirmed me, to suf- 
fer every stroke of adversity, let it be as severe 
as even imagination can paint, ere 1 would implore 
any earthly relief from distress, against which my 
own prudence might have armed me. To ask 
assistance, where, if it were declined, your re- 
doubled efforts would supply your exigence, is 
the daily course of human affairs ; but to seek re- 
lief, where a denial reduces you to despair, would 
be torment beyond expression. 

" Through your watchful care of my education 
and your kind munificence, I am out of a tempta- 
tion to the meaner vices, and in that state, which 
to one of my temper, is the happiest human na- 
ture can boast, an independency, save on God 
and myself, for a decent support through life, 
and the hope of quitting the stage with that best 
human standard of true worth, the general appro- 
bation of my countrymen. How deeply my heart 
is affected, by those invaluable favours, is not for 



^7 

profession to convince you, but will be, I trust, 
best manifested by the uniform tenor of my life." 

The political course of Mr Quincy having ren- 
dered him obnoxious to the Supreme Court of the 
province, he was omitted in the distribution of 
the honours of the gown, which was due to his 
rank and standing at the bar. This circum- 
stance is thus noticed in the fourth volume of his 
manuscript Law Reports. 

" August 1769. At the last sitting of the Su- 
preme Court in Charlestovvn, I argued (for the 
first time in this Court) to the jury, though not 
admitted to the gown ; the legality and propriety 
of which, some have pretended to doubt. But 
as no scruples of that kind disturbed me, I pro- 
ceeded (maugre any) to manage all my own busi- 
ness (for the first time also in this county,) 
though unsanclified, and uninsj)ired by the pomp 
and magic of the Long Robe." 

At this period his professional engagements 
became so extensive, as often to preclude hitii' 
from any particular oversight of the publication of 
his political essays. A direction to the printers, 



28 

which appears on some of his original manuscripts, 
■ — '' Let Samuel Adams Esfj. correct the press," — 
indicates the mutual respect and intimacy, which 
subsisted between them, and which continued 
uninterrupted until his death. Notwithstanding 
the multiplicity of his professional avocations, and 
his ardent zeal in exciting and directing the 
political energies of his countrymen, his literary 
pursuits were never relinquished. His manu- 
scripts and common-place books prove how deeply 
he was imbued with the love of letters. His 
library, which was extensive for that period, was 
destroyed by fire, about ten years after his death ; 
a loss the more to be regretted, as the few volumes 
which escaped, show that his practice was to 
read with his pen in his hand, and to record in 
the margin or blank pages, by way of reference, 
or remark, either his own thoughts, or the parallel 
thoughts of other v/riters, which reading recalled 
to his memory. 

In October 1769, he married the eldest daugh- 
ter of William Phillips Esq., at tliat time one of 
the most eminent merchants in New England ; 
and who, ill the crisis of the country, which 
succeeded, was distinguished by the readiness, 
and the amount, with ^vhich, in the most perilous 



29 

and dubious periods of the controversy, he con- 
tributed to its support. In this connexion, the 
result of an early attachment, Mr Quincy found 
a companion, possessed of an intellect and spirit, 
capable of appreciating and supporting his own 
character and virtues. During his life she was 
the confidant of his noble views, and entering, 
with like ardour, into his political course, cheer- 
fully submitted to the privations it induced, en- 
couraging him with all her influence to risk the 
perils to which his open, undisguised zeal in the 
cause of his country, at that time, were thought to 
expose him and his family. She survived her 
husband three and twenty year^ ; his fame and 
memory being the chief solace of her life ; and 
the perfect fulfilment of parental duty to their 
surviving child, its only object. 

Among his original papers for the year 1770, 
are " An address of the merchants, traders, and 
freeholders of the town of Boston, assembled at 
Faneuil Hall, January 23, 1770, for the purpose 
of enforcing the non-importation act :" two essays, 
signed, " An Independant," published in the 
Boston Gazette on the 12th and 26th of Febru- 
ary 1770 : anotiier signed " An Old Man," 
published in the Boston Gazette of August 6, 



30 

1770 : and the " Report of a committee appointed 
to draw up instructions, for the represenfatives of 
the town of Boston, and which was unanimously 
accepted by the inhabitants, 15th May, 1770." 
The original draft of this report in the hand 
writing of Mr Quincy, signed by Richard Dana, 
and attested by William Cooper, town clerk, 
exists among his papers. 

The boldness of his political course may be 
estimated by a single paragraph extracted from 
one of the above mentioned essays, styled " The 
Independant," and published on the 12th of Feb- 
ruary, while Boston was in a state little short of 
a garrison, and only twenty days previous to the 
Boston massacre. 

"In answer to the question, ' What end is the 
non-importation agreement to answer ?' I give the 
following reply. 

" From a conviction in my own mind, that 
America is now the slave of Britain ; from a 
sense that we arc every day more and more in 
danger of an increase of our burdens, and a fast- 
ening of our shackles, I wish to see my country- 
men break off, off forever ! — all social inter- 
course with those, whose commerce contaminates, 



31 

whose luxuries poison, whose avarice is insatiable, 
and whose unnatural oppressions are not to be 
borne. That Americans will know their rights, 
that they will resume, assert, and defend them, are 
matters of which I harbour no doubt. Whether 
the arts of policy, or the arts of war will decide 
the contest, are problems, we will solve at a more 
convenient season. He, whose heart is enamour- 
ed with the refinements of political artifice and 
finesse, will seek one mode of relief ; he whose 
heart is free, honest, and intrepid, will pursue a- 
nother, a bolder, and more noble mode of redress. 
This reply is so intelligible, that it needs no 
comment, or explanation." 

It was scarcely to be anticipated that one, who 
could discern thus clearly, and display thus bold- 
ly, the inevitable crisis which ensued, should be 
one of the selected judicial defenders of those, 
who were the instruments in shedding the first 
blood, that flowed in the contest which terminated 
in American Independence. 

The tragedy of the 5th of March 1770, de- 
nominated, in the language of that period, " The 
Boston Massacre," had wrought the whole people 
of Massachusetts, and above all the inhabitants of 



52 

Boston, to the highest pitch of rage and indigna- 
tion. The populace breathed only vengeance. 
Even minds better instructed, and of higher prin- 
ciples than the multitude, in the excitement of 
the moment, could not endure the doctrine, that 
it was possible for an armed soldiery to fire upon 
and kill unarmed citizens, and commit a crime 
less than murder. Political animosity and natur- 
al antipathy to troops stationed in the metropolis, 
sharpened this vindictive spirit. The friends of 
the government were either silent, or only ex- 
pressed regret and lamentation at the event. 
The friends of freedom were loud in their indig- 
nation, and clamorous for that justice which 
declares, that " blood shall be the penalty for 
blood." 

Among those, who sympathized most deeply 
with the mass of his fellow-citizens, in their ha- 
tred of the instruments of their oppressions, and 
in their detestation of the principles they had been 
sent hither to maintain, was Josiah Quincy Jun. 
No one had more openly, or pathetically than he, 
appealed to his fellow-citizens, or had more studi- 
ously excited their resentment, both in the ga- 
zettes, and in Faneuil hall, against the troops and 
their employers. What then must have been his 



33 

surprise, to find that Captain Preston, and the 
accused soldiers, had selected him as one of their 
defenders ! On the day of Captain Preston's 
imprisonment, that officer sent for him to the jail, 
and solicited his engagement in his own behalf, 
and in that of the soldiers. To understand the 
difficulty of Mr Quincy's situation, it is necessary 
to realize the exasperated state of public feeling. 
The spirit of revenge glowed with a fervour al- 
most universal. On the one hand were the obli- 
gations of humanity, official duty, and the strong 
desire that justice should not fall a sacrifice in her 
own temple, to the passions of the moment. On 
the other hand, the confidence of political friends, 
popularity, and that general affection which his 
public course had attained for him, in so remarka- 
ble a degree, among his fellow-citizens, were to 
be hazarded. These difficulties and dangers he 
shared with his intimate friend and copatriot, John 
Adams, who, being several years his senior, both 
in age and at the bar, was joined with him as 
elder counsel. Their mutual friendship, cemented 
by professional and patriotic labours, terminated 
only with life. After debberation and consulta- 
tion with each other, and their friends, both of these 
patriots yielded all personal considerations to the 
5 



34 

higher obligations of humanity and official duty. 
They braved the fury of the moment ; and inter- 
posed their learning, talents, and well-earned in- 
fluence, to that torrent of passions, which, for a 
time, threatened to bear down the landmarks of 
justice. 

Gordon states, that " they oifended several of 
their own party by undertaking the defence of the 
prisoners." * This, however, gives but a faint 
idea of the actual state of feeling which these two 
gentlemen had to encounter on the occasion. The 
following extracts from a correspondence, which 
parental affection and anxiety induced Mr Quincy's 
father to commence, will indicate the nature and 
extent of the sentiment prevalent at that period 
on the subject. 

TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN., BOSTON. 

''Braintree, March 22, 1770. 
" My dear Son, 

" I am under great affliction, at hearing 

the bitterest reproaches uttered against you, for 

having become an advocate for those criminals 

who are charged with the murder of their fellow- 

* History of the American Revolution, vol. i. p. 291. 



35 

citizens. Good God ! Is it possible ? I will not 
believe it. 

*' Just before I returned home from Boston, I 
knew, indeed, that on the day those criminals 
were committed to prison, a sergeant had inquired 
for jou at your brother's house, — but I had no 
apprehension that it was possible an application 
would be made to you to undertake their defence. 
Since then I have been told that you have actual- 
ly engaged for Captain Preston ; — and I have 
heard the severest reflections made upon the occa- 
sion, by men who had just before manifested the 
highest esteem for you, as one destined to be a 
saviour of your country. 

" I must own to you, it has filled the bosom of 
your aged and infirm parent with anxiety and dis- 
tress, lest it should not only prove true, but de- 
structive of your reputation and interest ; and I 
repeat, I will not believe it, unless it be confirmed 
by your own mouth, or under your own hand. 
*' Your anxious and distressed parent, 

" JOSIAH QUINCY." 



36 

TO JOSIAH QUINCY ESQ., BRAINTREE. 

''Boston, March 26, 1770. 
"Honoured Sir, 

" I have little leisure, and less inclination either 
to know, or to take notice, of those ignorant slan- 
derers, who have dared to utter their " bitter re- 
proaches" in your hearing against me, for liaving 
become an advocate for criminals charged with 
murder. But the sting of reproach when enven- 
omed onlj by envy and falsehood, will never 
prove mortal. Before pouring their reproaches 
into the ear of the aged and infirm, if tht^y had 
been friends, they would have surely spared a lit- 
tle reflection on the nature of an attorney's oath, 
and duty ; — some trifling scrutiny into the busi- 
ness and discharge of his office, and some small 
portion of patience in viewing my past and future 
conduct. 

" Let such be told, Sir, that these criminals, 
charged v/ith murder, are not yet legally proved 
guilty, and therefore, however criminal, are en- 
titled, by the laws of God and man, to all legal 
counsel and aid ; that my duty as a man obliged 
me to undertake ; that my duty as a lawyer 
strengthened the obligation ; that from abundant 
caution, I at first declined being engaged ; that 



37 

after the best advice, and most mature delibera- 
tion had determined my judgment, I waited on 
Captain Preston, and told him that I would afford 
him my assistance ; but, prior to this, in presence 
of two of his friends, I made the most explicit 
declaration to him, of my real opinion, on the 
contests (as I expressed it to him) of the times, 
and that my heart and hand were indissolubly 
attached to the cause of my country ; and final- 
ly, that I refused all engagement, until advised 
and urged to undertake it, by an Adams, a Han- 
cock, a Molineux, a Cushmg, a Henshaw, a 
Pemberton, a AVarren, a Cooper, and a Phillips. 
This and much more might be told with great 
truth, and I dare affirm, that you, and this whole 
people will one day rejoice, that I became an 
advocate for the aforesaid " criminals," charged 
with the murder of our fellow-citizens. 

" I never harboured the expectation, nor any 
great desire, that all men sliould speak well of 
me. To inquire my duty, and to do it, is my 
aim. Being mortal, lam subject to error ; and 
conscious of this, I wish to be diflident. Being 
a rational creature, I judge for myself, according 
to the light afforded me. When a plan of con- 
duct is formed with an honest deliberation, neither 



38 

murmuring, slander, rior reproaches move. For 
my single self, I consider, judge, and with reason 
hope to be immutable. 

" There are honest men in all sects, — I wish 
their approbation ; — there are wicked bigots in al} 
parties, — I abhor them." 

" I am, truly and affectionately, 
your son, 

" JOSIAH QuiNCY JUN." 

The trial of Captain Preston commenced on 
the 24th of October 1770, and was concluded on 
the 30th of that month, with his acquittal. Of 
this trial it is not known that any minutes exist. 
When that of the soldiers commenced, a short- 
hand writer was employed, from whose notes an 
account of that trial was published. As this 
volume has recently been republished, and is of 
easy access, no other extracts from it will be 
here inserted, than such as tend to throw a light 
on the mind and character of the subject of these 
memoirs. Not only for this purpose, but also as 
one of the best indexes to the state of the public 
mind, at that titne, in relation to this trial, — the 
whole of his argument, so far as it is connected 
with general topics, and indicative of the particular 



39 

excitement existing at that period, will be ex- 
tracted. What is relative only to the evidence, 
will be omitted. This course will at once explain 
and exhibit the nature of the popular passion, 
against the influence of which, the advocate deem- 
ed it necessary to guard the jury, and the address 
with which the topics were selected, and pressed 
upon their understandings and hearts. 

After the counsel for the crown (Samuel Quin- 
cy Esq. Solicitor General) had closed the opening 
of the trial, Josiah Quincy Jun. addressed the 
court and jury. 

" May it please your Honors, and you, Gentlemen of the Jurj^ 

" The prisoners at the bar stand indicted for 
the murder of five of his Majesty's liege subjects, 
as set forth in the several indictments, which 
have been read to you. The persons slain, those 
indictments set forth, as ' being in the peace of 
God, and our lord the king,' at the time of the 
mortal wounds given. 

" To these indictments, the prisoners have sev- 
erally pleaded Not Guilty : and for their trial 
have put themselves on God and their country, 
which country you are. And by their pleas, thus 
severally pleaded, they are to stand, or fall, by the 
evidence which shall respectively apply to them. 



40 

" By their plea of not guilty, they throw the 
burden of proof, as to the fact of killing, upon 
the crown ; but, upon which being proved, the 
matter they allege, to justify, excuse, or extenu- 
ate, must be adduced by them, and supported by 
legal evidence. The truth of the facts they may 
thus allege is your sole and undoubted province to 
determine, but upon a supposition that those facts 
shall appear to your satisfaction, in the manner 
we allege, the grand question then to be deter- 
mined, will be, whether such matters, so proved, 
do, in law, extenuate, excuse, or justify. The 
decision of this question belongs to another de- 
partment, namely, the Court. This is law, so 
well known, and acknowledged, that I shall not 
now detain you by a recital of authorities, but on- 
ly refer you to Judge Foster's Crown Law, where 
this point is treated with precision, and fixed 
beyond controversy. It may not be amiss, how- 
ever, to assure you, that as certain as the cog- 
nizance of facts is within your jurisdiction, as 
certain does the law, resulting from these facts, in 
cases of the present kind, seem to reside solely 
in the Court: unless cases where juries, under the 
direction of the Court, give general verdicts, may 
be denominated exceptions. 



41 

*' In the cause now before us, it will not be 
contested, that five persons were unfortunately 
killed, at the time the indictments charge ; and 
this case will naturally enough divide itself into 
throe main divisions of inquiry. 

First. Whether any homicide was committed ? 

Secondly. By whom was it committed ? 

Thirdly. Is there any thing appearing in evi- 
dence, which will justify, excuse, or extenuate, 
such homicide, by reducing it to that species of 
offence, called manslaughter ? 

*' Before we enter upon these inquiries, permit 
me, gentlemen, to remind you of the importance of 
this trial, as it relates to the prisoners. It is for 
their lives ! — If we consider the number of persons, 
now on trial, joined with many other circumstances 
which might be mentioned, it is by far the most im- 
portant, this country ever saw. Remember the ties 
you are under to the prisoners, and even to your- 
selves. The eyes of all are upon you. Patience 
in hearing this cause is an essential requisite, can- 
dour and caution are no less essential. It is tedi- 
ous and painful to attend a trial of such length ; 
but remember the time which has been taken up 
by the Crown in the opening. By every bond of 
humanity and justice, we claim an equal indul- 
6 



42 

gence ; nay, it is of high importance to your 
country, that nothing should appear on this trial 
to impeach our justice, or stain our humanity. 

" And here let me remind you of a notion, 
which has certainly been too prevalent, and guard 
you against its baneful influence. An opinion 
has been entertained by many among us, that the 
life of a soldier was of very little value : of much 
less value than others of the community. The 
law, gentlemen, knows no such distinction ; the 
life of a soldier is viewed, by the equal eye of the 
law, as estimable, as the life of any other citizen. 

" I cannot any other way account for what I 
mention, but by supposing that the indigence and 
poverty of a soldier, — the toils of his life, — the 
severity of discipline to which he is exposed, — the 
precarious tenure by which he is generally thought 
to hold his life, in the summary decisions of a 
court-martial, have conspired to propagate a sen- 
timent of this kind ; but a little attention to the 
human heart, will dissipate this notion. 

" The soldier takes his choice, like all others, 
of his course of life : he has an equal right, with 
you, or me, so to do. It is best we should not all 
think alike. Habit makes all things agreeable ; 
what at first was irksome, soon becomes pleasing. 



43 

But does experience teach, that misery begets in 
general a hatred of life ! By no means : we all 
reluct at death ; we long for one short space 
more ; we grasp with anxious solicitude, even 
after a wretched existence. God, and nature, 
have implanted this love of life. Expel therefore 
from your breasts an opinion so unwarrantable 
by any law, human or divine ; let not any thing 
so injurious to the prisoners, who value life as 
much as you ; let not any thing so repugnant to 
all justice, have influence in this trial. The rep- 
utation of the country depends much on your 
conduct, gentlemen ; and, may I not add, justice 
calls aloud for candour in hearing, and impar- 
tiality in deciding, this cause, which has, perhaps, 
too much engrossed our aftections ; and, I speak 
for one, too much excited our passions. 

" The law, by which the prisoners are to be 
tried, is a law of mercy, — a law applying to us 
all, — a law. Judge Blackstone will tell us, ' found- 
ed in principles that are permanent, uniform, and 
universal, always conformable to the feelings of 
humanity, and the indelible rights of mankind.' 
Sec. 4, 13. Cap. 3. 

" How ought we all, who are to bear a part in 
this day, to aim at a strict adherence to the prin- 



44 

ciples of this law : liow ought we all to aim 
at utterly eradicating every undue bias of the 
judgment : a bias subversive of all justice and 
humanity. 

" Another opinion, equally foreign to truth and 
law, has been adopted by many. It has been 
thought, that no possible case could happen, in 
which a soldier could fire, without the aid of a 
civil magistrate. This is a great mistake, — a 
very unhappy mistake indeed ! one, I am afraid, 
that had its influence on the fatal night, which 
we all lament. The law, as to the present point, 
puts the citizen and soldier under equal restraint. 
What will justify and mitigate the action of the 
one, will do the same to the other. Let us bear 
this invariably in mind, in examining the evidence. 
But before we proceed to this examination, let 
us take a transient view of some occurrences, 
preceding, and subsequent to, the melancholy 
fifth of Mart:h. 

" About some five or six years ago, it is well 
known, certain measures were adopted by the 
British Parliament, which gave a general alarm 
to this continent. Measures were alternately 
taken in Great Britain, that awakened jealousy, 
resentment, fortitude, and vigilance. Affairs con- 



45 

tinned long fluctuating. A sentiment universally 
prevailed, that our dearest rights were invaded. 
It is not our business here to inquire touching 
these delicate points. These are concernments, 
which, however interesting or important in them- 
selves, we must keep far away from us, when in 
a court of law. It poisons justice, when politics 
tincture its current. 

" I need not inform you, how the tide rose, as 
we were advancing towards the present times. 
The general attention became more and more 
roused, — people became more and more alike in 
opinion and practice. A vast majority thought 
all that is dear was at stake, — sentiments of lib- 
erty, — property, — ignominious bondage, — all con- 
spire to increase the ferment. At this period the 
troops land. Let us here pause, and view the 
citizen, and the soldier. 

"The causes of grievance being thus 'spread 
far and wide, the inhabitants viewed the soldiery 
as called in, foreign from their prime institution, 
to force obedience to acts, which were, in general, 
deemed subversive of natural, as well as consti- 
tutional freedom. With regard to the universal 
prevalence of ideas of this kind, it does not fall 
within our present plan, to give you direct, posi- 



46 

tive evidence. It would be too foreign to the 
present issue, though pertinent enough, when con- 
sidered as a clue to springs and motives of action, 
and as an additional aid, to form a just judgment 
in our present inquiry. You, gentlemen, who 
come from the body of tlie country, are presumed 
to know these facts, if they are true ; nay, their 
notoriety must be such, provided I am not mistaken 
in my conjecture, that the justness of my obser- 
vation on this matter must be certainly confirmed 
by your own experience. I presume not in this, 
or any other matter of fact to prescribe to you : 
if these sentiments are wrong, they have no influ- 
ence : if right, they ought certainly to have their 
due weight. 

" I say, gentlemen, and appeal to you for the 
truth of what I say, that many on this continent 
viewed their chains as already forged ; they saw 
fetters as prepared ; they beheld the soldiers as 
fastening, and rivetting for ages, the shackles of 
their bondage. With the justness of these appre- 
hensions, you and I have nothing to do in this 
place. Disquisitions of this sort are for the »Sen- 
ate, and the chamber of Council, — they are for 
statesmen and politicians, who take a latitude in 
thoughts and action ; but we, gentlemen, are con- 



47 

fined in our excursions, hy the rigid rules of law. 
Upon the real, actual existence of these appre- 
hensions, in the community, we may judge ; they 
are facts falling properly within our cognizance, 
and hitherto may we go, but no farther. It is 
my duty, and I ought to impress it on your minds, 
and you, gentlemen, ought to retain the impression. 
You are to determine on the facts coming to your 
knowledge ; you are to think, judge, and act, as 
jurymen, and not as statesmen. 

"Matters being thus circumstanced, what might 
be expected ? No room was left for cordiality 
and friendship. Discontent was seated on almost 
every brow. Instead of that hospitality, which 
the soldier thought himself entitled to, scorn, con- 
tempt, and silent murmurs were his reception. Al- 
most every countenance lowered with a discontent- 
ed gloom, and scarce an eye, but flashed indignant 
fire. Turn and contemplate the camp. Do we 
find a more favourable appearance ? The soldier 
had his feelings, his sentiments, and his charac- 
teristic passions also. The constitution of our 
government has provided a stimulus for his affec- 
tions: — the pride of conscious virtue, the sense 
of valour, the point of honour. The law had 
taught him to think favourably of himself; — had 



48 

taught him to consider himself as peculiarly ap- 
pointed for the safeguard and defence of his coun- 
try. He had heard, that he put not off the citi- 
zen, when he entered the camp ; but because he 
was a citizen, and wished to continue so, he 
made himself, for a while, a soldier. How sting- 
ing was it to be stigmatized, as the instrument of 
tyranny and oppression ? How exasperating to be 
viewed, as aiding to inthrall his country ? He felt 
his heart glow with an ardour, which he took for 
a love of liberty and his country, and had formed 
to himself no design fatal to its privileges. He 
recollected, no doubt, that he had heretofore ex- 
posed himself for its service. He had bared his 
bosom in defence of his native soil, and yet felt 
the smart of wounds, received in conflict for his 
king and country. Could that spirit, which had 
braved the shafts of foreign battle, brook the 
keener wounds of civil contest ? The arrows 
which now pierced him, pierced as deep and 
rankled more, than those of former times. 

" Is it rational to imagine much harmony could 
long subsist ? We must take human nature as 
we find it, and not vainly imagine, that all things 
are to become new, at such a crisis. There 
are an order of men in ev ery commonwealth, who 



49 

never reason, but always act from feeling. That 
their rights and liberties were filched away one 
after another, they had often been told. They 
had been taught by those whom they believed, 
that the axe was now laid to the root of the tree, 
and one more stroke completed its fall. It was 
in vain to expect to silence or subdue these emo- 
tions by reasons, soothings, or dangers. A belief 
that nothing could be worse than the calaaiities, 
which seemed inevitable, had extended itself on 
all sides, and arguments drawn from such sources 
had little influence. Each day gave rise to new 
occurrences, which increased animosities. Heart- 
burnings, heats, and bickerings became more and 
more extensive. Reciprocal insults soured the 
temper, mutual injuries imbittered the passions. 
Can we wonder, that when every thing tended to 
some important action, the period so soon arrived ? 
Will not our wonder be increased to find the crisis 
no sooner taking place, when so many circumstan- 
ces united to hasten its approach ? To use an al- 
lusion somewhat hoinely, may we not wonder that 
the acid and the alkali did not sooner ferment ? 

" A thought here imperceptibly forces itself on 
our minds, and we are led to be astonished that 
persous so discordant in opinion, so opposite 
7 



m 

in views, attachments, and connexions, should be 
stationed together. But here, gentlemen, we 
must stop. If we pursue this inquiry, at this 
time, and in this place, we shall be in danger of 
doing great injustice. We shall get beyond our 
limits. The right of quartering troops in this 
province must be discussed at a different tribunal. 
The constitutional legality, the propriety, the ex- 
pediency of their appointment, are questions of 
state, not to be determined, or even agitated by us, 
in this court. It is enough for us, if the law 
takes notice of them when thus stationed, if it 
warrants their continuance, if it protects them in 
their quarters. They were sent here by that 
authority, which our laws know ; they were 
quartered here, as I take it, agreeably to an act 
of the British parliament; they were ordered here 
by your sovereign and mine. 

" Let me here take a method very common 
with another order of men. Let mc remind you 
of Avhat is not your duty. 

" Gentlemen, great pains have been taken by 
different men, with different views, to involve the 
character, the conduct, and reputation of the town 
of Boston, in the present issue. Boston and its 
inhabitants have no more to do with this cause, 



51 

than you, or any other members of the commu- 
nity. You are, therefore, by no means to blend 
two things, so essentially different, as the guilt, 
or iiinocencp, of this town and the prisoners 
together. The inhabitants of Boston, by no rules 
of law, justice, or common sense, can be supposed 
answerable, for the unjustifiable conduct of a tew 
individuals, hastily assembled in the streets. Every 
populous city, in like circumstances, would be 
liable to similar commotions, if not worse. No 
rational or honest man will form any worse opin- 
ion of this metropolis, for the transactions of 
that melancholy night. Who can, who will, 
unnecessarily interest themselves to justify the 
rude behaviour of a mixt and ungovernable mul- 
titude ? May I not appeal to you, and all who 
have heard this trial thus far, that things already 
wear a different aspect from what we have been 
heretofore taught to expect ? Had any one told 
you, some weeks ago, that the evidence on the 
crown- side would have appeared in the present 
light, would you have believed it ? Can any one 
think it his duty, to espouse the part acted by 
those assembled in King street ? I think not ; 
but lest my opinion should not have any weight, 
let me remind vou of an author, who, I could 



52 

wish, were in the hands of all of you ; one whom 
I trust you will credit. I am sure you ought to 
love and revere him. I Avish his sentiments were 
engraven in indelible characters on your hearts. 
You will not suspect him of being unfriendly to 
liberty ; if this cause and its events must be inter- 
woven with a matter so foreign to it. I allude to 
the third letter of the 'Farmer of Pennsylvania,' 
to his countrymen. 

" ' The cause of liberty,' says that great and 
good writer, ' is a cause of too much dignity to 
be sullied by turbulence and tumult ; it ought to 
be maintained in a manner suitable to her nature. 
Those who engage in it, should breathe a sedate, 
yet fervent spirit, animating them to actions of 
prudence, justice, modesty, bravery, humanity, 
and magnanimity.' What has there transpired 
on this trial, savouring of any of these virtues ? 
Was it justice, or humanity, to attack, insult, ridi- 
cule, and abuse a single sentinel on his post? Was 
it either modest, brave, or magnanimous, to rush up- 
on the points of fixed bayonets, and trifle, vapour, 
and provoke, at the very mouths of loaded mus- 
kets? It may be brutal rage, or wanton rashness, 
but not, surely, any true magnanimity. 
'*^' ' I hope,' says the same eminent writer, ' my 



53 

dear countrymen, that you will in every colony 
be upon your guard against tlwse, who at any 
time endeavour to stir you up, under pretence of 
patriotism, to any measures disrespectful to your 
sovereign, and our mother country.' By this it 
should seem, as though the ' Farmer' never expect- 
ed any period would arrive, when such measures 
would be warrantable. Now what more disre- 
spectful to our parent country, than to treat with 
contempt a body of men, stationed, most certainly, 
by the consent of her supreme legislature, the 
parliament of Britain ? What more disrespectful 
to our common sovereign, than to assume the 
sword of justice, and become the avengers of 
either public or private wrongs ? Though the 
soldiers who appeared in the earlier part of the 
evening, in Cornhill, acted like barbarians and 
savages, they had now retired, and were now 
confined in their barracks ; what though an im- 
pertinent boy had received unjustifiable correction 
from the sentinel ; the boy, and the persons in 
Cornhill, must have recourse only to the law for 
their redress. Courts of law are styled ' vindices 
injuriarum,' the avengers of injuries, and none 
others are to assume this prerogative. The law 
erects itself as the supreme, dernier resort, in all 



54 

complaints of wrong ; and nothing could more 
essentially sap our most important interests, than 
any countenance to such dangerous encroach- 
ments on the domains of municipal Justice. 

" But finally, to finish with the justly celebrated 
* Farmer.' — 'Hot, rash, disorderly proceedings in- 
jure the reputation of a people, as to wisdom, 
valour, and virtue, without procuring the least 
benefit.' Thus have you the sense of this great 
authority, with us. And let me ask all those, 
who have thought the cause of this country con- 
nected with the agents of the assembly in King 
street, whether the proceedings of that unhappy 
night were hot, rash, or disorderly ? If they were, 
have they not, in the opinion of this great friend 
of liberty, injured our reputation, as to wisdom, 
valour, and virtue ; and that too, without procuring 
the least benefit ? Who then would sacrifice his 
judgment, and his integrity, to vindicate such 
proceedings ? 

" To what purposes the soldiers were sent ; 
whether it was a step warranted by sound policy, 
or not, we shall not inquire ; we arc to consider 
the troops, not as the instruments for wresting 
our rights, but as fellow citizens, who being to 
be tried by a law, extending to every individual, 



55 

claim a part in its benefits, — its privileges, — ^^its 
mercy. We must steel ourselves against passions 
which contaminate the fountain of justice. We 
ought to recollect, that our present decisions will 
be scanned, perhaps through all Europe. We 
must not forget, that we ourselves will have a 
reflective hour, — an hour, in which we shall vievir 
thino;s throusfh a different medium, — when the 
pulse will no longer beat with the tumults of the 
day, — when the conscious pang of having betray- 
ed truth, justice, and integrity, shall bite like a 
serpent, and sting like an adder. 

" Consider, gentlemen, the danger which you, 
and all of us are in, of being led away by our 
affections and attachments. We have seen the 
blood of our fellow men flowing in the streets. 
We have been told that this blood was wrongfully 
shed. That is now the point in issue. But let 
it be borne deep upon our minds, that the prison- 
ers are to be condemned by the evidence here in 
court produced against them, and by nothing else. 
Matters heard or seen abroad, are to have no 
weight : in general they undermine the pillars of 
justice and truth. It has been our misfortune, 
that a system of evidence has appeared in the 
world against us. It is not our business to blame 



56 

any one for this. It is our misfortune, I say. It 
should be remembered, that we were not present 
to cross-examine ; and the danger which results 
from having this publication in the hands of those, 
who are to pass upon our lives, ought to be 
guarded against. We say we are innocent, by 
our plea, and are not to be denounced guilty by 
a new species of evidence, — unknown in the 
English system of criminal law. 

"But as though a series of ex parte evidence 
was not enough, all the colours of the canvass 
have been touched, in order to freshen the wounds, 
and by a transport of imagination, we are made 
present at the scene of action. The prints ex- 
hibited in our houses, have added wings to fancy, 
and in the fervour of our zeal, reason is in hazard 
of being lost. For as was elegantly expressed, 
by a learned gentleman at the late trial, * The 
passions of man, nay, his very imaginations are 
contagious.' The pomp of funeral, the horrors 
of death have been so delineated, as to give a 
spring to our ideas, and inspire a glow incompati- 
ble with sound deliberative judgment. In this 
situation every passion has been alternately pre- 
dominant. They have each in its turn, subsid- 
ed, in degree, and then have sometimes given 



57 

place to despondence, grief, and sorrow. How 
careful should we be, that we do not mistake the 
impressions of gloom and melancholy for the dic- 
tates of reason and truth. How careful, lest, 
borne away by a torrent of passion, we make 
shipwreck of conscience. 

" Perhaps you may be told, gentlemen, as I 
remember it was said, at the late trial, that pas- 
sions were like the flux and reflux of the sea, 
the highest tides always producing the lowest 
ebbs. But let it be noticed, that the tide, in 
our political ocean, has yet never turned ; cer- 
tainly the current has never set towards the op- 
posite quarter. However similes may illustrate, 
they never go for proof. Though I believe, that 
it will be found, that if the tide of resentment 
has not risen of late, it has been because it had 
reached the summit. In the same mode of 
phraseology, if so homely an expression may be 
used ; perhaps, as the seamen say, it has been 
high-water slack, — but I am satisfied the current 
has not yet altered its course, in favour of the 
prisoners at the bar. 

" Many things yet exist sufficient to keep alive 
the glow of indignation. I have aimed at secur- 
ing you against the catching flame; I have en- 



58 

deavoured to discharge my duty in this respect. 
What success will follow those endeavours, de- 
pends on you, gentlemen. If being told of your 
danger will not produce caution, nothing will. If 
you are determined in opinion, it is vain to say 
more ; but if you are zealous inquirers after truth, 
if you are willing to hear with impartiality, to 
examine and judge for yourselves, — enough has 
been said to apprize you of those avenues, at 
which the enemies of truth and justice are most 
likely to enter, and most easily to beset you. 

" Gentlemen of the Jury, 

" I shall now, for argument's sake only, take it 
for granted, that the fact of killhig had been 
proved upon all the prisoners : you are sensible 
this is not really true, for as to this point, there 
are several of the prisoners upon whom this fact 
is not fixed. But as I shall hereafter take occa- 
sion to consider the distinct case of each prisoner, 
as he is affected by the evidence, I at present 
choose to avoid confusion, and apply myself to 
the full strength of the crown ; and, upon a sup- 
position, that all the prisoners were answerable 
for the act of any one, see how the prisoners are 
chargeable, by the evidence already offered, with 



59 

the crime of murder : — or rather endeavour to 
point out to you those facts, appearing by the 
evidence on the crown side, which will amount, 
in law, to a justification, an excuse, or at least, 
an extenuation of their offence. For we say, 
that give the evidence for the king its full scope 
and force, and our offence is reduced, at least to 
manslaughter : in which case, we claim the priv- 
ilege of that law, by the sentence of which, if 
guilty, we must suffer the pains of death ; a 
privilege, we can never again claim, a privilege, 
that by no means implies exemption from all pun- 
ishment : the offender becomes liable to imprison- 
ment for a year, incurs a forfeiture of all goods and 
chattels, and, till he receives the judgment of law, 
is to all intents a felon, subject to all the disabilities 
and other incidents of a felon. Without taking up 
time, in attending and discussing points, no way 
pertinent to the present issue ; without a tedious 
recapitulation of circumstances with Avhich, 1 take 
it, we have no more concern, than ehher of you, 
gentlemen ; I say, passing over all these matters 
as foreign to this trial, let us state evidence ap- 
pearing even from the crown witnesses." 



60 

Mr Quincy then proceeded to examine the evi- 
dence for the crown, and afterwards adduced the 
witnesses for the prisoners. This examination, 
with his comments, occupied four days, when he 
concluded his argument for the prisoners, as 
follows. 

" May it please your Hononrs, and you, Gentlemen of the Jury. 

" I have now gone through those authorities 
in law, which I thought pertinent to this trial. 
I have spoken at so much length, not for the in- 
formation of the court, but to satisfy you, gentle- 
men, and all who may chance to hear me, of that 
law, which is well known to those of us, who are 
conversant in courts, but not so generally known, 
or attended to, by many, as it ought to be. A 
law which extends to each of us, as well as to 
any of the prisoners ; for it knows no distinction 
of persons. 

" The doctrines, which have been thus laid 
down, are for the safeguard of us all ; — doctrines 
which are founded in the wisdom and policy of 
ages ; which the greatest men who ever lived, 
have adopted and contended for. Nay, the matter 
has been carried by very wise men, much further 
than we have contended for. And that you may 



61 

not think the purport of the authorities read, are 
the rigid notions of a dry system, and the con- 
tracted decisions of municipal law, I beg leave to 
read you a passage from a very great theoretic 
writer, a man whose praises have resounded 
through all the known world, and probably will, 
through all ages ; whose sentiments are as free as 
air, and who has done as much for learning, liber- 
ty, and mankind, as any of the sons of men. I 
mean the sagacious Mr Locke. He will tell 
you, gentlemen, in his Essay on Government, 
p. 2, c. iii, ' That all manner of force, without 
right, puts man in a state of war with the ag- 
gressor : and of consequence, that, being in such a 
state of war, he may lawfully kill him, Avho puts 
him under this unnatural restraint.' According 
to this doctrine, we should have nothing to do, 
but inquire whether here was ' force without 
right ; ' if so, we were in such a state as rendered 
it lawful to kill the aggressor, who ' put us under 
so unnatural a restraint.' Few, I believe, will 
say, after hearing all this evidence, that we were 
under no unnatural restraint. But we do not 
wish to extend matters so far. Wc cite this au- 
thor to show the world, that the greatest friends 
10 their country, to universal liberty, and the 



62 

immutable rights of all men, have held tenets, and 
advanced maxims favourable to the prisoners at 
the bar. And although we should not adopt the 
sentiments of Mr Locke, in their most extensive 
latitude, yet there seems to be something very 
analogous to this opinion, which is countenanced 
in our laws. 

" There is a spirit, which pervades the whole 
system of English jurisprudence, which inspires 
a freedom of thought, speech, and behaviour. 
Under a form of government like ours, it would 
be in vain to expect that pacific, timid, obsequious, 
and servile temper, so predominant in more des- 
potic governments. From our happy constitution 
then results its very natural effects, — an impa- 
tience of injuries, and a strong resentment of 
insults : — (and a very wise man has said, ' He 
who tamely beareth insults, inviteth injuries.') 
Hence, I take it, that attention to the ' feelings of 
humanity,' — to ' humanity and imperfection,' — 
' the infirmities of flesh and blood,' — that attention 
to the ' indelible rights of mankind,' — that lenity 
to 'the passions of man,' — that 'benignity and 
condescension of the law,' — so often repeated in 
our books. And, indeed, if this were not the 
case, the genius of our civil constitution, and the 
spirit of our municipal law would be repugnant ; 



63 

that prime defect in any political system, — that 
grand solecism in state policy. 

*' Gentlemen of the Jury, 

" This cause has taken up much of your time, 
and is likely to take so much more, that I 
must hasten to a close : indeed I should not have 
troubled you thus long, but from a sense of duty 
to the prisoners ; they, who in some sense may 
be said to have put their lives in my hands ; 
they, whose situation was so peculiar, that we 
have necessarily taken up more time, than or- 
dinary cases require ; they, under all these cir- 
cumstances, placed a confidence, it was my duty 
not to disappoint ; and which I have aimed at 
discharging with fidelity. I trust, you, gentle- 
men, will do the like ; that you will examine, 
and judge with a becoming temper of mind ; 
remembering that they, who are under oath to 
declare the whole truth, think and act very differ- 
ently from bystanders, who, being under no ties 
of this kind, take a latitude, which is by no means 
admissible in a court of law. 

" I cannot close this cause better, than by de- 
siring you to consider well the genius and spirit 
of the law, which will be laid down, and to 



G4 

govern yourselves by this great standard of truth. 
To some purposes, you may be said, gentlemen, 
to be ministers of justice ; and ' ministers, ' says 
a learned judge, ' appointed for the ends of public 
justice, should have written on their hearts the 
solemn engagements of his Majesty (at his coro- 
nation), to cause law, and justice, in mercy, to be 
executed in all his judgments. 

' The quality of mercy is not strained ; 
It droppeth like the gentle rain from heaven — 

■ It is twice blessed ; 

It blesses him that gives, and him that takes.' 

" I leave you, gentlemen, hoping you will be 
directed in your inquiry and judgment, to a right 
discharge of your duty. We shall all of us, 
gentlemen, have an hour of cool reflection, when 
the feelings and agitations of the day shall have 
subsided ; when we shall view things through a 
different and much juster medium. It is then, 
we all wish an absolving conscience. May you, 
gentlemen, now act such a part, as will hereafter 
insure it ; such a part as may occasion the prison- 
ers to rejoice. May the blessing of those, who 
were in jeopardy of life, come upon you, — may 
the blessing of him who is not faulty to die, de- 
scend and rest upon you and your posterity." 



65 

John Adams Esq. then closed the defence, in 
an argument admiiable for its learning, acuteness, 
and strength. The result of their exertions was 
the complete acquittal of six of the soldiers, and 
the conviction of the remaining two of the crime 
of manslaughter onljc 

Thus terminated, in a manner forever honoura- 
ble to the character of the American people, this 
most solemn and eventful trial. In other coun- 
tries, soldiers, who, in subduing popular tumults, 
have killed unarmed citizens, have been sacrificed 
at the instant, to the public indignation. Trial, 
in such cases, has been often only a mockery ; 
the sovereign himself having been compelled to 
yield his own instruments, as victims to appease 
the rage of the people. Even the walls of pris- 
ons have been no security against the vengeance 
of an excited multitude ; but amidst the most 
violent effervescence of the American revolution, 
respect for the ancient institutions of the country 
maintained, at all times, the ascendency of the 
judicial tribunal. Notwithstanding the metropolis 
of Massachusetts had witnessed five of its citi- 
zens publicly slaughtered in its streets by the mil- 
itary arm, and notwithstanding curses, "and execra- 
tions, and clamours for vengcahcfe were loud, and 



66 

deep, and almost universal, yet justice maintained 
the strength and integrity of her temple. The 
passions of the moment, restrained in her courts, 
waited patiently for her decision, and submitted 
to a judgment, in which neither the feelings nor 
the sentiments of the time acquiesced. The mul- 
titude was silent, though not satisfied, under the 
authority of the laws. 

These are triumphs of principle, worthy of 
record, both for the honour of the fact and the 
influence of the example. In the language of 
the subject of this memoir, for the result, — " this 
■whole people have reason to rejoice." 

During the years 1771 and 1772, Mr Quincy 
was actively engaged in the labours of his pro- 
fession. He now entered upon an extensive field 
of business, which his singular powers of elo- 
quence opened for him, and which his unwearied 
diligence and fidelity secured. Although his pro- 
fessional occupations were of the most constant 
and engrossing character, he found time to em- 
ploy his pen in the cause of his country. 

Among his original manuscripts there still 
remain many essays published in the Gazette of 
this period. In one signed " Mentor," published 
February 11th, 1771, he laments " hearing so lit- 



67 

tie discourse relative to a decent, manly, and 
instructive commemoration of the melancholy 
tragedy of the 5th of March, 1770," and urges 
the discreet, as well as zealous friends of liber- 
ty and mankind to form a regular plan for that 
purpose, to the end that there may be an annual 
development of the " fatal effects of the pol- 
icy of standing armies, and the natural tendency 
of quartering regular troops in populous cities 
in time of peace." His labours in the papers of 
those years appear to have been incessant, and on 
various topics. His manuscripts, which remain, 
show that during these years he wrote, among oth- 
er essays, those under the signature of " Callis- 
thenes," " Tertius in nubibus," " Edward Sex- 
by," and " Marchmont Nedham," " Draught of 
instructions to the Boston representatives in May 
1770," and a " Report of a Committee chosen by 
the Inhabitants of Petersham, in the county of 
Worcester, 4th of January 1773." These all 
breathe that bold, ardent, and vehement spirit, 
which characterized his life, speeches, and writ- 
tings. For the most part they relate to tempora- 
ry topics, and are directed to expose the character 
or to unmask the design of the British ministry, 
or their agents. An extract from the essay signed 



68 

" Cnllisthenes," published in Edes and GilPs Ga- 
zette, September 28th, 1772, on the subject of 
the grant of sahu'ies to the judges, from the crown, 
will show the current and temperature of his 
mind. 

" In your Gazette of the tenth of February 
last, I took occasion to deliver my sentiments on 
the imprisonment of Ebenezer Richardson. A 
truth, I there delivered, give me leave to repeat. 
* No tyranny so secure, — none so intolerable, — 
none so dangerous, — none so remediless, as that 
of Executive Courts.' 

" This is a truth all nations bear witness to, — 
all history confirms. So sensible are all tyrants 
of the importance of such courts, that to advance 
and establish their system of oppression, they 
never rest until they have completely corrupted, 
or bought, the judges of the land. I could easily 
show that the most deep laid and daring attacks 
upon the rights of a peo])le, might in some meas- 
ure be defeated, or evaded, by upright judicato- 
ries, — that bad laws, with good judges, make 
little^ progress. ' Let me make the judges,' said 
the pedant King James, ' I care not who makes 
the laws.' And this was very far from being 



69 

the worst speech of that vainglori^^us monarch. 
How would that silly tyrant have hugged hunself, 
in fancied bliss, if he had been gratified with 
making laws, judges, lawyers, sheriffs, &c. ; and 
with paying and displacing them at pleasure ! 
Could a Nero wish more ? The people then 
would iiave no more real life, than might be 
extinguished with one single stroke. 

" My countrymen, Great Britain, with legisla- 
tive solemnity, has told you, she can bind you 
and yours, by her laws, when the parliament 
please. The parliament have so bound, and are 
still so binding you. Who appoints, — who dis- 
places our judges, — we all know. But who 
pays them ? The last vessels from England tell 
us, — the judges, and the subalterns, have got 
salaries from Great Britian ! 

*' Is it possible this last movement should not 
rouse us, — and drive us — not to desperation — 
but to our duty ? 

" The blind may see, — the callous must feel, — 
the spirited will act." 

For the two last years, Mr Quincy's constitu- 
tion, naturally feeble, and susceptible to a very 
extraordinary degree, began to yield to the contin- 



70 

ued current of his professional and political occu- 
pations. It was his nature to eng;age, in whatever 
he undertook, with an earnest, indefatigable en- 
deavour, which absorbed his whole mind, and 
exhausted his entire strength. In the latter end of 
1772, his complaints assumed a decided pulmo- 
nary character, and it became necessary for him, 
according to the opinion of his physician, to lay 
aside all cares, except those which had for their 
object his life and health. The following letter 
written by him to his father, about this time, is in 
reply to his parental inquiries on this subject. 

TO JOSIAH QUINCY ESQ., BRAINTREE. 

" Boston, Thursday, 2 o^clock. 
" Honoured Sir, 

" I thank you very sincerely for your solici- 
tude and good wishes. My fever the last two 
days and nights seems almost wholly to have 
left me ; my slumbers are sound and undisturbed, 
and the light of the morning finds me refreshed. 
I find my bodily health less impaired than I could 
expect. Indeed I have perceived of late no 
propensity to that fainting and languor, which 
the last year troubled me so much. Dr Warren 
thinks that my symptoms are favourable, and my 



71 

prospect of health (humanly speaking) certain. * * 
* * * * Thus much to gratify you, sir, with 
particulars, and to do it, has been as much my 
pleasure, as my duty. A little now to gratify 
myself. The science of giving advice is one of 
the most difficult of any ; yet both the male and 
female world think themselves adepts in it. But 
of the few who are any way skilled in this nice 
art, how few know the mode of application, and 
the time to administer. But of the empirics in 
this mystery, with which the world swarms, how 
few are truly solicitous about the real welfare of 
the pretended object. How many are actuated 
by the felicity they feel, from gratifying the pride 
of their own hearts ? This may not be any jus- 
tification of an obstinate mule, but it may serve 
as some palliation for the conduct of those who 
feel, and those who can see. There are those 
who have the gift of prophecy, and many who 
have the gift of tongues, but alas, how few have 
the gift of persuasion. 

" W^ith my best wishes for the family, and a 
grateful remembrance of your attachment and 
goodness to me, 

" I am your very affectionate son, 

" J. QUINCY JuN." 



72 

The encouragement thus given him by his 
physician, however, proved delusive, and in Feb- 
ruary ] 773, it was decided that his only hope of 
life depended upon an immediate change to a 
more southern climate. He accordingly on the 
eighth of that month took passage from Boston 
for Charleston, South Carolina, with the inten- 
tion of returning from thence by land, to Massa- 
chusetts. This journey, in the state of inter- 
course which then subsisted between the colonies, 
was considered in the 'light of a visit to foreign 
lands, concerning which it was becoming the ad- 
venturous traveller to bring home, for his own ben- 
efit, or for the instruction of others, whatever 
knowledge his rare opportunities permitted him 
to collect. His journal, although written under 
great disadvantages from ill health, and composed 
of sketches made necessarily in haste for the pur- 
pose of aiding his own recollections, rather than 
of being subservient to the information of others, 
contains many important facts and interesting 
anecdotes. It throws also a strong light upon 
the state of manners and political sentiment, 
which at that period existed among the colonies. 

Some of his particular observations, from the 
familiarity of our present intercourse, might ap- 



73 

pear trite and uninteresting, and will be omitted, 
as also will be, for the most part, all those partieu- 
ular strictures on the nattu'e and effect of that 
portion of the population of the southern col- 
onies, which was most likely to make the deepest 
impression on an inhabitant of the northern, and by 
which a stranger, of his turn .of mind, could not 
fail to be peculiarly affected. With these excep- 
tions the journal will be published entire. 

JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE TO SOUTH CAROLINA, &C. 

" The design of the ensuing Journal is, among 
other things, to gratify one, who has a right to a 
very large share of my thoughts and reflections, 
as well as to participate, as far as possible, in all 
my amusements and vicissitudes. To be a memo- 
rial of my thoughts as they rise, and to remain a 
future witness to myself of the changes of my 
own sentiments and opinions. 

" To record those kindnesses, and little civili- 
ties, which might otherwise imperceptibly fleet 
from the memory, but which ought nevertheless 
to be held in remembrance, till we shall em- 
brace an opportunity fully to return them. 
10 



74 

" To those therefore, into whose hands this 
Journal, either before or after my death, may 
chance to fall, the foregoing considerations may 
serve as some excuse for those trifles, I foresee it 
will contain, and shall not strive to avoid. 

" JOSIAH QuiNCY JUN. 

^'Boston, February Sth, 1773." 

" 1773. February 8th. Sailed in the Bristol 
Packet, John Skimmer commander, for South 
Carolina, with the design of taking the tour of 
the southern provinces for my health. The 'Nos 
patriae fines, et dulcia linquimus arva,' of Virgil 
was uppermost in my mind, and when 1 came in 
sight of my father's dwelling, ' Tu, Tityre, lentus 
in umbra,' seemed the sweetest harmony 1 ever 
carolled. * * * 

*' A more disagreeable time can hardly be con- 
ceived, than the season of my first days and 
nights. Exhausted to the last degree, I was too 
weak to rise, and in too exquisite pain to lie in 
bed. Unable to take any manner of food, I re- 
mained wholly confined to my state-room, till 
pain forced me to make one efibrt to get fresh air. 
Assisted by two people, I reached the foot of the 
companion stairs, but was not able to proceed 



75 

further. The fresh air, instead of refreshing, at 
first overcame me, and after several fainting turns, 
I was Carrie i back to bed. My sickness came on 
with redoubled violence, the night passed heavily 
away, and my cabin was so sultry and hot, that 
to rise or perish seemed the only alternative. I 
knocked for the watch upon deck, and with the 
assistance of two of them, was seated on a hen- 
coop, by the side of the binacle. Scenes alto- 
gether new and surprising presented themselves 
to my view. I had not been on deck, since pass- 
ing the light-house, and had never before been 
out of sight of land. The heavens were overcast 
with black and heavy clouds, with here and there 
a light, flying, wild cloud, interspersed. A hard 
northeast wind, the weather extremely close, — 
and distant flashes of lightning gleamed all around 
the horizon. The waves seemed to curl with 
flames, just sufficient to make the darkness visible ; 
and successive peals of distant thunder — all con- 
spired to make deep impressions and fit the mind 
for meditation. To know how all this affected 
me, a person must consider my weakness, my 
situation, and cast of mind. 

" What a transition have I made, and am still 
making ! was the exclamation of my heart. In- 



76 

stead of stable eartli, tlie fleeting waters, — the 
little hall of right and wrong is changed for the 
wide, expanding immeasurable ocean. Instead 
of petty jars and waspish disputations, waves con- 
tend with waves, and billow^s war with billows ; 
seas rise in wrath, and mountains combat heaven ; 
clouds engage with clouds, and lightnings dart 
their vengeful coruscations ; thunders roll, and 
oceans roar : — all ether flames, and distant shores, 
sea, air, and heaven reverberate the mighty war, 
and echo awful sounds. 

* The sky it seems would pour down livid flames, 
But that the sea, mounting to the welkin's cheek, 
Dashes the fire out.' 

Vast field for contemplation ! riches for mind and 
fancy ! astonishing monuments of wisdom ! mag- 
nificent productions of power ! The ingenuity, 
the adventurous spirit, the vast enterprise of man, 
next succeed to employ reflection. A little skifl', 
scarce a speck in this wide expanse, flew through 
the waves, and plycd this angry flood ; — braved 
the threatening dangers, this world of night and 
chaos. 

" While thus surprised and gratified, I rejoiced 
to think of my undertaking ; and was pleased 
with the hopes of being wiser and better for mj 



77 

eccentric motion. Suddenly the weather chang- 
ed, became doubly inclement, and cold, rain, and 
sleet threatened my health, if I remained longer 
upon deck. But to go, in my enfeebled state, to 
a hot cabin, was intolerable. Rain and cold 
appeared less dreadlul than heat and bad air. I 
sent for my cloak, which, with my surtout, was 
to fit me for a companion to the sailor at the helm 
till sunrise. The weather increased in badness ; 
I became fretful ; — 'twas death almost to retire 
to my cabin, — an exclamation escaped me, — I re- 
pined, I murmured, — I exclaimed again, — when 
(I shall never forget the sensation) the seaman at 
the helm carolled, with his marine pipe, 

' How little do these landmen know, 
What we, jioor sailors, undergo ! ' 

" The best divine, moralist, or philosopher 
could not have devised a better cure for my spleen 
and vexation. Upon comparison, how little rea- 
son had I for complaint ! How much ground of 
gratitude to Heaven ! The honest tar continued 
his carols, and his notes were truly music to my 
ears, — 

* A concord of sweet sounds.' 

I was persuaded the fellow chanted his naval 
June to divert me, but whether he expected to do 



78 

it by the harmony of sounds and numbers, or by 
the sentiment of his song to alleviate my afflictions, 
in calling me to consider those of others, I doubt- 
ed. But it was wholly immaterial to me ; either 
way, I was equally obliged to him. My hand 
mechanically went to my pocket, but searched in 
vain for my purse. This was deposited in my 
sea-chest the day before I sailed. Luckily a 
small remnant of my last fee was in the lining of 
my pocket. — I threw it to the helmsman, who, 
in endeavourins; to catch it, struck it half through 
one of the scupper holes. It was now out of his 
reach ; he could not leave his helm to get it ; I 
could not rise from my seat without help, and no 
one was on deck but us two. The witty, care- 
less, good-humoured fellow looked a little cha- 
grined at first (for every roll of the sea threaten- 
ed its loss), but with great ease and indifference, 
turning upon his heel, he warbled with ineffable 
harmony, 

' All ! why should we quarrel for riches, 
Or any such glittering toys ; ' &c. 

To know how this turn of the sailor was relished, 
to realize the pleasure it gave me, one must know 
every circumstance of my situation, and every 
feeling of my heart. * * * 



79 

" Days of heat, cold, wind, and rain now rolled 
on. Confined to my cabin almost wholly, I be- 
came pale, wan, and spiritless ; and, as I have 
since learned from my servant, every person 
on shi])board gave me over, and concluded I should 
never reach land. I was perfectly sensible of my 
danger, but by being carried upon deck, night and 
day, when it did not storm violently, my spirits re- 
vived, but my appetite never. My second week 
at sea was now passing, with only little incidents, 
perhaps no more worthy of recording, than those, 
which, for want of better materials, have en- 
gaged my idle time, and found a place in the pre- 
ceding pages. With us, came passenger, one 

Mr , late a purser on board his Majesty's 

twenty-gun ship of war, lying in Boston har- 
bour ; — a gentleman lately obli2;ed to ask leave 
to quit the service, for following the practices and 
examples of his superiors, which in them escaped 
with impunity. ' See little villains hung by 
great.' 

" Mr was one day uttering his com- 
plaints, when, among other things, an expression 
escaped him, remarkable as coming from one, who 
had been fifteen years in the crown service, and 
i'etaiued much of the peculiar sentiments and man- 



80 

ners of such an employ. He was speaking of 
the partiality of a court of inquiry, which had sat 
upon him, and the little reason to hope for justice 
in a court martial, with which he was threatened, 
unless he would ask leave to quit his birth. 

*' ' Good God ! ' cried he, * why do I com- 
plain? What reason had I to expect any thing 
better. A government that is arbitrary is always 
unjust. A tyranny in one, or more, is always 
cruel and u?irighteous.^ Such sentiments from 
him surprised me. I was impatient to know 
whether these reflections were founded in his 
heart, or were only the overflowings of spleen, 
disappointment, and revenge. For great is the 
sense of wrong, when oppression touches our- 
selves ; weak, weak indeed, when we are ex- 
empted from all apparent danger of a like mis- 
fortune. 

" Mr was a man of good natural pow- 
ers, considerably acquainted with essays and the 
belles-lettres, though not learned, or conversant 
with the severer studies. I took this opportunity 
to start the controversy between Great Britain 
and the colonics. I spoke of the conduct of both, 
of present measures, and of the prol^able conse- 
quences. I hoped hence to draw the general 



81 

opinions of his corps, and also, what must have 
frequently transpired in his company, for the 
hist seven years. ' Very true,' said he, ' Mr 
Quincy, we all know this. Great Britain has no 
right to tax you. The ministry know it as well 
as you, but money must be had somewhere. 
Every thing is strained to the utmost at home. 
The people of England see as well as you, that 
North America must one day be independent, and 
it is her interest, and most certainly that of the 
present administration, to prevent this, as much as 
possible ; and they will prevent it, for a much 
longer time than you imagine. For you can't 
contend with the power of Britain, whose navy 
conquers the world ; and your first men are all 
bought off, and will be more and more so, in 
proportion as the ministry are wise and well in- 
formed. Who can blame them for it ? They are 
hi the right of it to do it, and you are in the right 
of it, to make opposition ; but all will not do ; you 
must submit for a great while yet to come. Why, 
all the world are slaves, and North America can- 
not hope to be free. ' 

" A train of conversation of this kind, pleased 
and exasperated. I reasoned, spoke of facts, of 
history, of human nature, of glorious sacrifices — 
11 



82 

till from inveighing, I almost stormed. The agi- 
tation did my health good, if nothing more ; for I 
wanted my blood to circulate. Upon my telling 
him, that the present steps of the British govern- 
ment were to the last degree iniquitous, repugnant 
to the first notions of right and wrong, — ' Oh, Mr 
Quincy,' he replied, ' what do you tell of that for ? 
there can be no government without fraud and in- 
justice. All government is founded in corruption. 
The British government is so. There is no doing 
without it in state affairs.' This was a clencher. 

' Well, I hope, Mr , you will never more 

complain of arbitrary proceedings, and wrong, and 
cruelty, seeing such is the government you have 
served, and are now raging to be employed by.' 
' Yes, yes, when it touches one^s self, we have a 
right to complain. Was any one ever served as I 

have been ? Admiral has himself, to my 

knowledge, done ten times as bad, and yet the 
scoundrel persecuted me with unrelenting, brutal 
cruelty.' Here I let matters drop, making only a 
few natural reflections on the character of man. 
* * * * In the course of this time I had a 
good opportunity of discovering the great corrup- 
tion of administration, and the gross frauds of the 
servants of the crown. Mr frequently 



83 

owned to me, that his salary and birth were only 
worth £45 sterling a year, but that the year be- 
fore last he made £300, and the last six months, 
at the rate of £400 sterling a year. And this 
will not seem at all incredible to those who are 
informed of the ways and means of doing it, and 
the sharers and connivers at it, 

" February 21, 1773. This morning we were 
within thirty leagues of our port, which We should 
hav'e probably reached the preceding day, had we 
not been becalmed twenty-four hours. At about 
seven o'clock, A. M. a black cloud hung over the 
northeastern part of the horizon, and at ten, the 
winds rose extremely high, at N. N. E. Before 
night, the Avind blew a hurricane. Every thing 
threatened a terrible tempest. We were in the lati- 
tude of the Bermudas ; a latitude remarkable for 
storms and whirlwinds. The hurry, noise, and con- 
fusion of preparing for the storm, was astonishing 
to one, never in a like situation. Rain, hail, snow, 
and sleet descended with great violence, and the 
winds and waves rajred all niirlit. About four in the 
morning Captain Skimmer called to me, saying, 
' Mr Quincy, come and see here : you may now 
say you have seen a storm at sea. I never saw 
so dismal a time in my life.' The scene beggars 



84 

all description. As the clay advanced, at times 
light openings in the clouds gave a view of the 
horrors all around us ; such apertures were ever 
attended by a tenfold gust of wind. The waves 
rose in mountains on each side, and we were alter- 
nately elevated to the clouds, and sunk in the 
deep. I frequently saw the yards plunged in the 
waves, and was often sent by force of the mo- 
tion, across the cabin. I used to keep myself in 
bed, by throwing my left arm over my right 
shoulder, and then twisting a cord, fastened to the 
side of the vessel, round my wrist ; I thus pre- 
vented my being pitched out of bed. It was so 
dark, by reason of thick fogs, that at mid-day 
you could not see the end of the bowsprit, and 
often scarce discern the yards. The exhalations 
from the water resembled, in density, and much 
in smell, the vapour from a burning lime kiln. 
In short, horror was all around us. Our Captain 

had been thirty years a seaman ; Mr had 

been on all the coasts of Europe and America ; 
and the mariners had, one or other of them, visit- 
ed most parts of the ocean, but none of them had 
seen so terrible a time. Seas struck us repeatedly, 
with terrible concussions, and all seemed to ex- 
pect instant death. In this manner day succeeded 



85 

day, and night closed upon night ; here a gleam 
of hope, and then anon a bitter disappointment. 
In vain did we look for change ; tempest and 
whirlwinds seemed to have attained stability. 

' In every place 

' Flamed amazement. Not a soul 

' But felt a fever of the mind.' 

" On Wednesday night (February 24th), the 
rain much abated, but the clouds did not disperse, 
nor the winds lull. I put my head out of the 
companion-door, in order to take a view, and 
could not help repeating those beautiful lines of 
our poet : 

' Unmuffle, ye faint stars ; and thou, fair Moon, 
That wont'st to love the traveller's benison. 
Stoop thy pale visage through an amber cloud, 
And disinherit Chaos, that reigns here.' 

" February 25th. On Thursday things re- 
mained much as they were ; towards night the 
clouds were dispelled, stars were here and there 
to be seen, and every thing seemed to promise 
better times ; but our hope was ' as the morning 
cloud, and evening dew.' Before daylight, seas, 
w iiids, snow and rain, raged more than ever. All 
matters had, previous to this, been disposed to 
encounter the worst. Every thing was either 



86 

lashed upon deck, or removed from it. Axes had 
been delivered out, and all was prepared for cutting 
away the masts ; which we expected to be obli- 
ged to do, every minute. We had long lain 
under bare poles, except what is called a balanced 
mainsail, to keep her head to the winds and seas 
as far as possible. All now retired to the steer- 
age or cabin ; none remained upon deck. We 
drew towards the shore with incredible swiftness, 
considering we carried no sail. Seas broke over 
us often ; now and then one woidd strike with 
enormous force. The whole of this night (after 
eight o'clock), I believe every soul on board 
expected to perish. We were now in that lati- 
tude, in which the remains of my elder brother 
were deposited in the ocean, and probably very 
near the spot where the ship, with Mr John 
Apthorp and lady on board, foundered. It was 
impossible at this season to exclude this from 
remembrance. The mind dwelt upon it. Es- 
pecially, as in case of our loss, there would 
have been a like ignorance of our fate, and length 
of expectation of friends, as in the unhappy case 
of Mr Apthorp and his lady. To consider, to 
ruminate, to waver, to despond, to hope, and 
ponder anew, was natural to tlie scene. 



87 

' A thousand fantasies 
Begin to throng into the memory, 
Of calling shapes, and beckoning shadows dire, 
And aery tongues, that syllable men's names 
On sands, and shores, and desert wildernesses.' 

" Providence now gratified a frequent desire of 
my heart, — that I might be in a situation, so 
circumstanced, as to be fully convinced of a 
speedy departure to that ' bourn,' from which 'no 
traveller returns ;' — that I might have the exer- 
cise of my understanding, — time to examine my 
heart, — to reflect upon the past, — look forward 
to the future, — weigh and consider whether I 
leaned upon ' the pillared firmament,' — or ' rot- 
tenness.' 

" To notice the operations of the mind, and 
observe the emotions of the spirits at such seasons, 
is certainly a duty, and a very profitable employ. 
The justness of our sentiments, opinions, and 
judgments concerning all subjects, is here brought 
to the test ; and the propriety, right, and equity 
of our past lives, must stand an audit. We hence 
are powerfully taught, what is folly, what wis- 
dom, — what right, and what wrong ; — the duties 
we have omitted, and those we have performed ; 
— a reflection upon the one is pungent, a review 
of the other exquisitely joyous. 



88 

*' Experience gives weight and energy to what 
before was fluctuating and feeble. 

"I had often in past life expressed my creed, 
that every man died a hater of tyrants, an abhor- 
rer of oppression, a lover of his country, and a 
friend to mankind. My conviction upon this 
head now received confirmation. I hope I shall 
never forget the resolutions I then formed, the 
sentiments I then entertained. I make this min- 
ute I am now writing, as a memorial of the past, 
and a memento for the future ; to aid me in 
engraving them on the tablet of my heart. At the 
making of this minute I have not yet reached the 
land ; the da}^ is more cheerful, but dangers not 
at an end. I pray God to seal instruction at this 
instant ; — that every thought and sentiment which 
is just and true, — that every resolution which is 
good and noble, may not be shipwrecked in the 
future whirl or tempest of tumultuous passions, — 
become the fleetings of a bird of passage, — ' the 
baseless fabrick of a vision,' — but stable as the 
'pillared firmament,' and influential as the mid- 
day sun. 

" February 26th. Upwards of an hundred 
hours had now passed without sight of the sun ; 
the wind had set almost wholly from N. N. E. ; 



89 

the gulf-stream (said to run along the Carolina 
shore upwards of five knots an hour) directly 
opposite. All of a sudden the water chanjied 
colour ; we threw the lead and found soundings ; 
— the terror and confusion on shipboard was now 
great indeed. Whether the land was off the bar 
of Carolina, Roman shoals, or the Bahama sands, 
was altogether uncertain to every person on board. 
New dangers now stared us in the face. Neces- 
sity compelled us to venture upon deck, and to 
hoist a reefed fore-sail ; for the wind set violently 
on the shore. At this time it was about eight in 
the morning. In the afternoon the clouds seemed 
again to scatter, and though we flattered ourselves 
less than before, yet the signs of better w-eather 
worked forcibly on our hopes. At night how- 
ever, new clouds arose, with redoubled heaviness 
and blackness, and our captain said he believed 
we should have a harder time than ever. The 
winds changed almost every minute, and what 
is very extraordinary considering their violence, 
these variations were to directly opposite points of 
compass. We had the greatest reason to fear the 
consequence ; but the rain falling in incredible 
floods imperceptibly allayed the seas, and assuag- 
ed the storm. 
12 



90 

"After a very trying night to those sailors who 
kept the deck, the morning broke with signs of 
fair weather. At twelve o'clock (February 27th), 
we had a tolerably good observation, and found 
ourselves to the southward of our port. Our 
crew were spent, pale, and spiritless. The pleas- 
ures of a returning sun are not to be conceived 
but by those who have been in like jeopardies 
and trials. 

" We had once during the storm discovered a 
ship near us ; we now again saw her. Each 
made a signal to speak together, and each bearing 
down upon the other, we met just at twelve 
o'clock. It proved to be a ship from St Croix. 
She had scarce a rag of sail standing ; most of 
her running rigging gone ; her hands alternately 
at the pump. She looked distressfully enough. 

" Each one on board our brig began now to 
compare our own case with that of our fellow 
voyager, who appeared bound to the same port 
with us ; — all were moralizing on the scene ; — 
for we had comparatively suffered no such dam- 
age in the storm. Extreme precaution, Avatchful- 
ness, and steadiness in our master, great activity 
and courage in our crew, all knowing and 
willing to do their duty : with extremely fine 



91 

sails, rigging, &c., had saved us from much 
injury, which we should otherwise certainly have 
suffered. The captain of the ship told us that he 
had been a seaman twenty-one years, and never 
had seen ' such a time in his days.' No person on 
board our vessel had ever been to Carolina, which 
occasioned our captain to ask the master of the 
ship, whether he had ever been the like voyage be- 
fore ; to which he answered, ' Yes, about twenty- 
one years ago.' On our replying that we had 
never been there, the hearty fellow commanding 
the ship cheerfully said, — ' Give us this sun, and 
this breeze, and we '11 soon be better acquainted 
with the way.' I could not help being surprized 
with this sort of ease and jollity, immediately 
after such hair-breadth 'scapes, and in such a 
shattered condition. Our crew were mightily 
pleased with his courage, — and a horse laugh, 
' brave fellow,' &c. re-echoed through our bark. 

*' This interview, also, was one of those we 
must experience, before we can form a true idea 
of its pleasure. It was far beyond what a mere 
landsman would suppose. We soon outsailed the 
ship, but before we had gone far, our captain on a 
sudden seemed very angry with himself. No one 
knew the cause of his agitation, when he ordered 



92 

the peak of the mainsail dropped, and to bear 
down again on the ship ; which being done, we 
all waited to know the cause of it. Every coun- 
tenance seemed to express wonder, at what it 
could mean, and the hurry of executing the 
orders of the master prevented us from asking 
questions. While we were thus waiting with ex- 
pectation, the speaking trumpet resounded, ' Do 
you want any thing that I have got ; — provisions, 
water, canvass, or rigging ? ' What were the 
sensations of my heart at this question ? and how 
were my spirits moved, when the hoarse reply 
was ; — ' No, no, plenty, plenty here yet, thank 
God ! Who is the commander of that brig ? ' 
'John Skimmer.' ' God send you well in ! ' 

" This scene almost overcame me, for I was 
weak and feeble. Here was a most beautiful 
assemblage of sympathies and virtues, and my 
mind was so softened by disease and misfortune, 
that it was well fitted to feel the energy of such 
an union. Humanity and benevolence, gratitude 
and thankfulness, were shown reciprocally in the 
offer and return, and vied in lustre ; — a similitude 
of calamity had inspired friendship and charity. 
It has been said, that ' necessity is the mother 
of invention,' — may we not also say, that misfor- 
tune is the parent of virtue ? 



93 

' What sorrow is, thou bid'st us know, 
And from our own, we learn to melt at others' woe.' 

" February 28th. We now were off Charles- 
ton Bar, and the wind being in our teeth, we 
were the whole day beating up. Just before 
sunset we passed the fort. Charleston appeared 
situated between two large, spacious rivers. The 
number of shipping far surpassed any thing I had 
ever seen in Boston. On landing on Sunday 
evening, the town struck me very agreeably ; the 
number of inhabitants, and the appearance of the 
buildings far exceeded my expectations." 



* * * 



The following letter of this date is found among 
Mr Quincy's papers. 

TO MRS QUINCY, BOSTON. 

Charleston, S. C. March 1, 1773. 

The first emotion of my heart is gratitude to 
Heaven ; — the second, love to my friend nearer 
than a brother. How much we owe to God, can 
only be known by reflection on the imminent dan- 
gers, from which I have been delivered, A 
voyage more disagreeable, dangerous, and terrible, 
perhaps was never passed, than that which landed 
me upon this distant shore. ****** 



94 

* * * * I omit lesser hardships, disappoint- 
ments, and afflictions. I cannot say that I was 
ever well at sea, although I was not always very 
ill. What cause have we for thankfulness. I 
had not the least expectation of ever seeing you, 
or my dear boy, again ; I was fully convinced 
that we must perish. Heaven has gratified a 
frequent desire of my heart, — that I might once 
see death before my eyes, as if striking his dart ; 
— that I might know, if possible, the stability of 
what I lean on ; — whether ' the pillared firma- 
ment,' or ' rottenness.' How often did I rejoice 
that ignorance freed my first and best friends from 
pain on my account ; and that long expectation 
of hearing from me, would lessen the weight of 
what length of time must convince them of. 
How often did I feel the pang of separation, and 
look forward to that ' bourn,' from whence ' no 
traveller returns.' How frequently clasp my 
dear boy, and view him in a wide, corrupt world ; 
— destitute of the instruction, vigilance, care, and 
protection of a father. 

" You will doubtless wish to know what real 
damage our vessel sustained, and when I tell you 
but a very trifle to her rigging, you may be sur- 
prised. But the wonder will cease when I in- 



95 

form you, that our brig was remarkably well 
found : new sails, rigging, and in very fine order, 
active and good seamen, and a most incompara- 
ble commander. Such precaution before dan- 
ger, such vigilance, activity, and firmness in it, 
were truly astonishing ; we passengers almost 
idolized him. But before the storm was over, all 
were nearly beat out, — master and mariners, as 
good as ever stepped between stem and stern of 
a ship. But I must have done. Last evenin^^' at x 
dusk I landed here, in better health than could 
be expected, especially when you are told, that 
the wet of the cabin, and dampness of my bed, 
were so great, that the one was flowing, and the 
other might have been wrung. This town makes 
a most beautiful appearance as you come up to it, 
and in many respects a magnificent one. Al- 
though I have not beeu here twenty hours, I have 
traversed the most populous parts of it. I can 
only say in general, that hi grandeur, splendour 
of buildings, decorations, equipages, numbers, 
commerce, shipping, and indeed in almost every 
thing, it far surpasses all I ever saw, or ever 
expected to see in America. Of their manners, 
literature, understanding, spirit of true liberty, 
policy and government, I can form no adequate 



96 

judgment. All seems at present to be trade, 
riches, magnificence, and great state in every 
thing ; much gaiety, and dissipation. * "^ * 
vns" There are such a multitude of ghosts and 
shadows here, that I make not so bad a figure on 
comparison. I shall give you an account of my 
health, when I can with certainty ; every thing 
looks favourable at present that way." * * * 

JOURNAL CONTINUED. 

"February 28th, 1773. On landing on Sun- 
day evening I proceeded to the coffee-house, where 
was a great resort of company, busy and noisy. 
I here met with Mr Lavinus Clarkson, to whom 
I had letters, who much befriended me in getting 
lodgings, which we were put to great difficulty to 
obtain. By ten o'clock, however, we procured 
one near the statehouse, and this night I had the 
most refreshing slumber I ever enjoyed. In the 
morning the same gentleman politely attended me 
to introduce me to those to whom I had letters of 
recommendation. 

"March 1st. This and the next day, I 
spent in traversing the town and viewing the 
public buildings and the most elegant mansion 
houses. 



97 

" March 2d. This day I was visited by several 
gentlemen, to whom yesterday I had delivered 
letters. Received a ticket from David Deis Esq. 
for the St Cecilia concert, and now quit my 
journal to go. 

March 3d. The concert-house is a lar2;e, inele- 
gant building, situated down a yard, at the en- 
trance of wiiich I was met by a constable, with 
his staff. I offered him my ticket, which was 
subscribed by the name of the person giving it, 
and directing admission of me by name. The of- 
ficer told me to proceed. I did, and was next 
met by a white waiter, who directed me to a third, 
to whom I delivered my ticket, and was conduct- 
ed in. The music was good, — the two base viols 
and French horns were grand. One Abercrombie, 
a Frenchman just arrived, played the first violin, 
and a solo incomparably better than any one I 
ever heard. He cannot speak a word of English, 
and has a salary of five hundred guineas a year 
from the St Cecilia Society. There were up- 
wards of two hundred and fifty ladies present, 
and it was called no great number. In lofti- 
ness of headdress, these ladies stoop to the 
daughters of the north, — in richness of dress, sur- 
pass them, — in health and floridity of countenance. 
13 



98 

vail to them. In taciturnity during the perform- 
ances, greatly before our ladies ; in noise and flirta- 
tion after the music is over, pretty much on a par. 
If our ladies have any advantage, it is in white 
and red, vivacity and spirit. The gentlemen 
many of them dressed with richness and elegance, 
uncommon with us : many with swords on. We 
had two macaronis present, just arrived from 
London. This character I found real, and not 
fictitious. ' See the macaroni ! ' was a common 
phrase in the hall. One may be styled the bag, 
the other the queue macaroni. Mr Deis was very 
polite, and introduced me to most of the first 
characters : — among the rest to Lord Charles G. 
Montague, the Governor, who was to sail next day 
for London, — to the chief justice and two of the 
assistant judges, and several of the council. 
Spent this day, March 3d, in viewing horses, rid- 
ing over the town, and into the vicinity, and re- 
ceiving formal compliments. 

" March 4th, Thursday. Dined with David 
Deis Esq. with four other gentlemen, — good 
wines, and festivity. The first toast, ' The King;' 
the second, a lady ; the third, ' Our friends at 
Boston, and your (meaning my) fireside.' The 
master of the feast then called to the gentleman on 



99 

his right hand for a lady. This was done to 
every one at table, except the ladies, who were 
called on for a gentleman, and gave one with ease. 
No compulsion in drinking, except that a bumper 
was called for at the third toast. Politics an un- 
interesting topic. 

March 5th, Friday. Dined at a very elegantly 
disposed, and plentiful table at the house of John 
Mathews Esq. in company with the chief justice 
of St Augustine, and several other gentlemen. 
No political conversation. 

March Gth. This day was to have been spent 
witli T. L. Smith Esq. at his country scat. Bad 
weather prevented, and I took what is called a 
family dinner with him in town. Before dinner 
a short account of the late disputes with the 
Governor, Lord Charles G. Montague, and the 
state of matters at present. No politics after 
dinner. 

" Sunday, March 7th. Went to St Philip's 
church — very few present, though the first part 
of the day is the most full. A young clergy- 
man read prayers, with the most gay, indif- 
ferent, and gallant air imaginable. A very ele- 
gant piece of modern declamatory composition 
was delivered by another clergyman by way of 



100 

sermon from these words in Job: — ' Acquaint now 
thjseir with God : that good may come of it.' 
Having heard a young church clergyman very 
coxcomically advance a few days before, that no 
sermon ought to exceed twenty-five minutes, I 
had the curiosity to see by my watch, whether 
our clerical instructer was of tlie same sentiments, 
and found that he shortened the space above seven 
minutes and a half. This divine, after showing 
that avocations, business, &c. precluded a certain 
species of acquaintance with God, very sagely 
said, * I come now to show that there is a cer- 
tain allowable acquaintance with God.' Qu. 
What kind of acquaintance can the creature have 
with the Creator which is not allowable ? This 
church is the most decorated within, though not 
the most splendid without, of any in the place. 
I find that in the several places of public worship 
which I have visited, a much greater taste for 
marble monuments prevails here, than with us to 
the northward. A majority of both sexes at pub- 
lic assemblies appear in mourning, and I have 
been told, that mourning apparel at funerals is 
greatly in fashion. 

" March,. {Jth., Dined with a large company at 
Miles Brevvton's Esq. a gentleman of very large 



101 

fortune, — a most superb hoiise, saT^ fo have cost 
hiin 8000£. sterling. Politics started before din- 
ner: a hot, sensible, flaming tory, one Mr , 

a native of Britain, advanced, that ' Great Britain 
had better be without any of the colonies : that 
she committed a most capital political blunder 
in not ceding Canada to France : that all the 
northern colonies to the colony of New York, 
and even New York also, were now ^^'orking 
the bane of Great Britain : that Great Britain 
would do wisely to renounce the colonies to the 
north, and leave them a prey to their continental 
neighbours, or foreign powers : that none of the 
political writings or conduct of the colonies would 
bear any examination but Virginia, and none 
could lay any claim to encomium but that prov- 
ince:' — strongly urged, 'that the Massachusetts 
were aiming at sovereignty over the other prov- 
inces, that they now took the lead, were assum- 
ing, dictatorial," &c. &c. ' You may depend up- 
on it,' added he, ' that if Great Britain should 
renounce the sovereignty of this continent, or if 
the colonies shake themselves clear of her au- 
thority, that you all (meaning the Carolinas and 
the other provinces) will have governors sfen't you 
from Boston- Boston aims at nothing less than 



102 

the sovereignty of this whole continent — I know 
it.' It was easy to see the drift of this discourse. 
I remarked that all this was new to me; that if 
it was true, it was a great and good ground of 
distrust and disunion between the colonies ; 
that I could not say what the other provinces had 
in view, or thought, but I was sure that the in- 
habitants of Massachusetts paid a very great re- 
spect to all the sister provinces ; that she revered 
almost, the leaders in Virginia, and much respect- 
ed those of Carolina. Mr replied, ' When 

it comes to the test, Boston will give the other 
provinces the shell, and the shadow, and keep the 
substance. Take away the power and superin- 
tendence of Britain, and the colonies must submit 
to the next power. Boston would soon have that. 
Power rules all things; they miglit allow the 
others a paltry representation, but that would be 
all.' The company seemed attentive, and in- 
credulous, — were taking sides, when the call of 

dinner turned the subject of attention. 

seemed well bred and learned, but very warm 
and irascible. From his singular looks and beha- 
viour, I suspected he knew my political path. A 
most elegant table, three courses, &c. &c. 



103 

At Mr Brewton's side-board was very magnifi- 
ceiit plate. A very fine bird kept familiarly 
playing about the room, under our chairs and the 
table, picking up the crumbs, and perching on 
the window and side-board. 

" March 8th. Received complimentary visits 
from Charles Cotesworth Pinckney Esq., Messrs 
Bee, Parsons, Simpson, Scott, — all gentlemen of 
the bar. I was much entertained with Mr Pinck- 
ney 's conversation, who appeared a man of bril- 
liant natural powers, and improved by a British 
education at the Temple. This gentleman pre- 
sented me with the only digest of the laws of the 
province, made some years since by Mr Simpson, 
late Attorney General (in the absence of Sir 
Eagerton Leigh). This present was the more 
acceptable, as there is no collection of the laws 
of this province in a book, to be had. 

" March 9th. Spent all the morning in view- 
ing the public library, state-house, public offices, 
&c. Was accompanied bj^ Messrs Pinckney and 
Rutledge, two young gentlemen lately from the 
Temple, where they took the degree of Barris- 
ter at law. The public library is a handsome, 
square, spacious room, containing a large collec- 
tion of very valuable books, prints, globes, &c. 



104 

I received much information and entertainment 
from the above gentlemen. Mr in- 
formed me of an anecdote to which he was 
personally knowing, which I desired him several 
times to repeat, that I might be the better able 
to relate it. He said, that two gentlemen playing 
at a tavern, one of them gave the pretender's 
health, the other refused to drink it : upon which 
he who gave the toast threw his glass of wine in 
the refuser's face. For this an action of trespass 
was brought, and Sir Fletcher Norton closed the 
cause in behalf of the plaintiff, before Lord 
Mansfield, at Nisi prius. His lordship, in sum-'i 
ming up the case, told the jury it was a most'^ 
trifling affair, that the action ought never to have''^ 
been brought, and they ought to find the offender 
not guilty. Sir Fletcher, after his lordship had 
sat down, rose immediately in some heat, and ^^ 
asked his lordship, ' if he did not intend to say 
any thing more to the jury.' Lord Mansfield.* 
' No, Sir Fletcher, I did not.' Sir Fletcher. ' I 
pray to be heard then, and I do publicly aver 
it to be law, that if one man throws wine out of 
a glass at another in anger, it is an assault and 
battery ; this I declare for law, and I do here 
pawn my reputation as a lawyer upon it.' Lord 



105 

Mansfield. ' Poo, poo, poo ! Sir Fletcher, it is a 
most trifling affair.' Sir Fletcher. ' Poo, poo, 
poo, my lord ! I don't intend to be poo, poo, 
poo'd out of it neither. 1 renew my declaration, 
and afiirm it to be law ; and if the jury don't 
hear law from the court, they shall from the bar. 
I afiirm again, that it is an assault and battery.' 

*' Here Sir Fletcher sat down and spoke so loud 
as that the whole court, bar, and jury heard him ; 
— ' He had as good retract his opinion now, as 
do it another time.' Meaning on a motion for a 
new trial, for mis-direction of the judge on a 
point of law. Lord Mansfield did not think fit 

to take any notice of all this. Compare this 

with some manoeuvres of the little gods at the 
north. 

:*.* March 10th. Dined with Thomas Smith 
Esq. with several gentlemen and ladies. Excel- 
lent wines and no politics. Spent the evening 
at the assembly. Bad music, good dancing, and 
elegantly disposed supper, i., < ,i „] .(f>ii uo 

"March 11th. Dined with Roger Smith Esq. 
— good deal of company — elegant table ; — one 
cloth removed, a handsome dessert, good wines, 
and much festivity. The ladies were called on 
for toasts. 

14 



106 

"In company were two of the late appointed 
assistant justices from Great Britain. Their be- 
haviour by no means abated my zeal agauist 
British appointments. In company dined Thomas 
Bee Esq., a planter of considerable opulence, 
a gentleman of good sense, improvement, and 

politeness. From Mr I received assurance 

of the truth of what I had before heard, that a 
few years ago, the assistant judges of the Su- 
preme Court of the province, being natives, men 
of abilities, fortune, and good fame, an act of 
assembly passed, to settle £300 sterling a year 
upon them, whenever the king should grant them 
commissions, quam din se bene gesserint. The 
act being sent home for concurrence, was disr 
allowed, and the reason assigned was the above 

clause. 1 am promised by Mr a transcript 

of the reasons of disallowance, with the Attorney 
and Solicitor General's opinions relative to the 
a,ct. Upon this, the assembly passed an act, 
to establish the like salary, payable out of any 
monies that shall be in the treasury: — not re- 
strictipg it to any alteration in the tenure of their 
commission. , r .r-^ , 

" Mark the sequel. No assistant judges had 
ever before been nominated in England. Imme- 



107 

diatoly upon the king's approving this last act, 
Lord Hillsborough, in his zeal for American good, 
forthwith sends over one chief justice, an Irish- 
man, and two assistant justices ; the one a 
Scotchman, and the other a Welshman. How 
long will the simple love their simplicity ? and 
ye, who assume the guileful name, the venerable 
pretext of friends to government, how long will 
ye deceive and be deceived ? Surely in a politi- 
cal sense, the Americans ' are lighted the way 
to study wisdom.' 

" 1 have conversed with upwards of one half 
the members of the general assembly, and many 
other ranks of men on this matter. They see 
their error and confess it ; — they own it a rash,' 
imprudent, hasty step, and bitterly repent "ii^.'^^^ii' 
committee of the house have ranked it in th'^it 
list of grievances. The only solamert is,*^^^ ti 
is done, we w ill take care never' to do thfe hkb 
again;' — the only apology i^, tliat the assistant 
judges of the province were unw'illihg' i6 Tiave 
circuit courts, without a fixed salary ; the remote 
parts of the province complained of being obliged 
to attend all causes at Charleston ; they' had 
great reason of complaint. The regulators of 
this province wfeYe Wp,''as'ivMf as' t¥6se of North 



108 

Carolina. .Sncli was the influence of some, that 
upon the disallowance of the first act, no act for 
creating circuit courts could be got through, till 
the salaries were fixed. May Heaven forgive, but 
the people never forget them. Think you that 
they who eyed the fleece, have got it ? — No ! as 
in like cases, American fools, thirsting for honours 
and riches — beat the bush ; — British harpies seize 
the poor bird. 

" March 12th. Dined with Thomas Lynch 
Esq.,* a very sensible, honest man. Spent the 
evening with the Friday-night club, consisting 
of the more elderly, substantial gentlemen. About 
twenty or thirty in company. Conversation on 
uegroes, rice, and the necessity of British regular 
troops being quartered in Charleston. There 
were not wanting men of fortune, sense, and at- 
tachment to their country, who were zealous for 
the establishing such troops here. I took some 
share in the conversation, and cannot but hope 
I spoke conviction to some sensible minds. At 
the close of the evening, plans were agitated for 
making a certain part of the inilitia of the 



* See au interesting account of this centleman in the life 
oi his son, Thomas Lynch Jr, in ihe Biography of the Sign- 
ers of the Declaration of Independence. 



109 

province, taken in rotation, answer instead of 
foreign aid. I here learned in a side conversation 
with Mr , that two of the late assist- 
ant judges (gentlemen now in high and popular 
repute, men too of great opulence), who were in 
the general assembly at the time of the act men- 
tioned some pages back, were the very means of 
getting it passed. ,j^ud -)nJ tKjd- 

' Quid non mortalia pectora cogis, ■ 
Auri sacra fames j'lii'.j 

That they, hoping to enjoy the emoluments of 
the grant, were hot, zealous, and perpetually per- 
severing, till they got it through. He informed 
me also of the specious arguments they used, and 
the advantages, that they took of the popular 
commotions. Good heavens, how much more 
noble a part might they have taken ! 

" March 13th. Spent all the morning trans- 
cribing Mr E. Rutledge's MS. law reports ; — at 
eleven set off for the retreat of T. L. Smith 
Esq. ; — dined there, and spent the remainder of 
the day most agreeably : — a delightful place in- 
deed. ! fifrr jiiiMt-i; 

"March 14th. Bad weather. Spent the day 
at my lodgings ; visited by Mr Lynch, Deis, and 
others. 



110 

i- " March ] 5th. Dined with Mr Lynch. — Spent 
the morning and afternoon in transcribing law re- 
ports of E. Rutledge Esq. — Spent the evening 
with the Monday-night club. 
<rt *' March 16th. Spent the morning, ever since 
five o'clock, in perusing public records of the 
province ; — have marked many to be copied for 
me ; — am now going to the famous races. 

*' The races were well performed — but Flim- 
nap beat Little David (who had won the sixteen 
last races) out and out. The last heat the form- 
er distanced the latter. The first four-mile heat 
was performed in eight minutes and seventeen 
seconds, being four miles. Two thousand pounds 
sterling were won and lost at this race, and 
Flimnap sold at public vendue the same day for 
300£ sterling ! 

" Took a family dinner with Miles Brewton 
Esq.— had a fine dish of politics, — had farther 
light from one of the company, a prerogative man, 
into the arts used to disunite the colonies ; — 
sounded Mr Brewton, when alone, with regard to 
a general, permanent, continental literary corres- 
pondence; — the matter takes mightily. 

i* At the races I saw a fine collection of ex- 
cellent, though very high-priced horses, and was 



11] 

let a little into the singular art aud mystery of 
tlie turf! : •. : ■■■-.'. nil 

"March 17th. Spent all the morning in the 
copying Mr Rutl edge's reports. Dined with the 
sous of St Patrick. While at dinner six violins, 
two hautboys, &.c. After dinner six French 
horns in concert : — most surpassing music. Two 
solos on the French horn, by one who is said 
to blow the finest horn in the world. He has 
fifty guineas for the season from the St Cecilia 
society. 

March 18th. Spent in reading farther reports 
of Mr Rutledge, paying complimentary visits of 
departure, and in preparation for my journey 
northward. SfidiaJe 

" March 19th. Spent all the morning in hear-: 
ing the debates of the house ; — had an opportu- 
nity of hearing the best speakers in the province. 

The first thing done at the meeting of the 
house, is to bring the mace, a very superb and 
elegant one, which cost ninety guineas, and lay 
it on the table before the speaker^, i ,jF,h(^r. next 
thing is for the clerk to read over in a vepcy. audi- 
ble voice, the doings of the preceding day. The 
speaker is robed in black, and has a vef;y,Jarge 
wig of state, when he goes to attend the chair 



112 

(with the mace borne before him), on delivery of 
speeches &c. T. Lynch Esq. spoke like a man 
of sense, and a patriot ; with dignity, fire, and 
laconism. Mr Gadsden was plain, blunt, hot, 
and incorrect ; though very sensible. In the 
course of the debate, he used these very singular 
expressions, for a member of parliament : — ' And, 
Mr Speaker, if the governor and council don't see 
fit to fall in with us, I say, let the general duty 
law, and all, go to the devil, sir; and we go 
about our business.' Parsons, J. Rutledge, and 
Charles Pinckney Sen. (the three first lawyers 
in the province), spoke on the occasion ; — the 
two last, very good speakers. The members of 
the house all sit with their hats on, and uncover 
when they rise to speak. They are not confined 
(at least they do not confine themselves) to any 
one place to speak in. The members conversed, 
lolled, and chatted, much like a friendly, jovial 
society, when nothing of importance was before 
the house ; — nay, once or twice, while the 
speaker and clerk were busy in writing, the 
members spoke quite loud across the room to 
one another — a very unparliamentary appearance. 
The speaker put the question sitting ; the mem- 
bers gave their votes by rising from their seats ; 
the dissentients did not rise. 



118 

*' March 20th. Set out with Mr Lynch for 
his plantation on Santee river, on my way to the 
northwartl. Had a most agreeable ride, and re- 
ceived much information from Mr Lynch of the 
manoeuvres at the Congress in 1765. 

"March 21st. Mr Lynch's plantation is very 
pleasantly situated, and is very valuable. Took 
leave of Mr Lynch, and had a three hours' tedious 
passage up Santee river. Crossed Sampit or 
Georgetown river just at dusk, — lodged in town, 
and am now held in durance by a very high 
equinoctial gale, which prevents me from crossing 
Winyaw Bay, formed by the junction of Wacca- 
maw, Pedee, and Black rivers. It is very fine 
travelling weather, and requires no small share 
of philosophy to be contented with my situation. 

" March 22d. Spent the night at Mr J. All- 
ston's, a gentleman of immense income, all of his 
own acquisition. His plantations, negroes, gar- 
dens, &c. are in the best order I have seen. He 
has propagated the Lisbon and Wine Island grapes 
with great success. I was entertained with true 
hospitality and benevolence by this family. His 
good lady filled a wallet with bread, biscuit, wine, 
fowl, and tongue, and presented it to me next 
morning. The wine I declined, but gladly re- 
15 



114 

ceivcd the rest. At 1 2 o'clock, in a sandy pine 
desert, I enjoyed a fine repast, and having met 
with a refreshing- spring, I remembered my worthy 
host, Mr Allston, and his lady, with warmth of 
affection and hearty benisons. Mr Allston sent 
his servant as our guide between thirty and forty 
miles, much to our preservation from many vexa- 
tious difficulties. 

" March 24th. Lodged the last night at the 
plantation of Mr Johnston, (who is now absent 
at Charleston.) A gentleman came with us as 
our guide, about ten miles. A most barren, 
dreary road ; — nine cows, and oxen, had perished 
within a week, for want of" sustenance ; — great 
difficulty to get food for either man or beast. 

" March 25th. This day left the province of 
South Carolina and entered that of North. 

" The constitution of South Carolina is in very 
many respects defective, and in an equal number 
extremely bad. The whole body of this people 
seem averse to the claims and assumptions of the 
British legislature over the colonies ; but you will 
seldom hear, even in political conversation, any 
warm or animated expressions against the measures 
of administration. A general doubt of the firmness 
and integrity of the northern colonies is prevalent; 



115 

they say ' the Massachusetts Bay can talk, vote, 
and resolve, but then- doings are not correspondent.' 
Sentiments and expressions of this kind arc com- 
mon and fashionable. They arise from various 
causes, from envy and jealousy in some, and from 
artifice in others. The very remarkable difference 
in their manners, religious tenets, and principles, 
contributes to the same effect. It may well be 
questioned whether there is, in reality, any third 
branch in the constitution of this government. It 
is true they have a house of Assembly, but whom 
do they represent ? The labourer, the mechanic, 
the tradesman, the farmer, or yeoman ? No, — the 
representatives are almost wholly rich planters. 
The planting interest is therefore represented, 
but I conceive nothing else, as it ought to be. 
Non-residents may be chosen to represent any 
town, if they have lands in the county, and hence 
a great majority of the House live in Charleston, 
where the body of the planters reside during the 
sickly months. A fatal kind of policy ! — At 
present the house of Assembly are staun "h col- 
onists. The council, judges, and other great of- 
ficers are all appointed by mandamus from Great 
Britain. Nay, even the clerk of the board, and 
assembly ! — Who are, and have been thus ap- 



116 

pointed? Persons disconnected with the people 
and obnoxious to them. I heard several planters 
say, ' Wo none of us can expect the honours of 
the state; they are all given away, to worthless, 
poor sycophants. 

i *' State and mafjinificence, the natural attend- 
ants on great riches, are conspicuous among this 
people ; the number and subjection of their slaves 
tend this way. The yeomanry and husbandmen 
make a very different figure from those of New 
England. 

" There being but one chief place of trade, its 
increase is amazingly rapid. The stories you 
are every where told of the rise in the value of 
lands seem romantic ; but I was assured that they 
were fact. There is a colossal statue of Mr Pitt 
at Charleston, much praised by many. The 
drapery was exquisitely well done ; but to me, the 
attitude, air, and expression of the piece was bad. 
The staple commodities are rice, indigo, hemp, 
tobacco, &.C. &c. ; the two first are the capital. 
"A few years ago it is allowed that the blacks 
exceeded the whites, as seventeen to one. There 
arc those who now tell you that the slaves are 
not more than three to one, — some say not so 
many. I took great pains, finding sucli contra- 



117 

riety of opinion, to find out the true proportion ; 
the best information I could obtain, fixes it at 
about seven to one. My own observation leads 
me to think it much greater. ****** 

***** These are but a small part of 
the mischiefs of slavery, — new ones are every day 
arising ; — futurity will produce more and greater. 

" Lodged the last night in Brunswick, N. C. at 
the house of William Hill Esq., a most sensible, 
polite gentleman, and though a crown officer, a 
man replete with sentiments of general liberty, 
and warmly attached to the cause of American 
freedom. 

"March 27th. Breakfasted with Col. Dry, 
the collector of the customs, and one of the coun- 
cil, who furnished me with the following instruc- 
tions given Gov. Martin, and as Col. Dry told 
me. Gov. Martin said, to all the colony governors 
likewise. 

" Copy. } Additional instruction to our trus- 
Geor^e R C *^ ^"^^ ^^ ^'^^ beloved Josiah Martin 
^ Esq., our captain general and gover- 
nor in chief, in and over our province of North 
Carolina, in America. Given at our court at St 
James' the fourth day of February 1772, in the 
twelfth of our reign. 



118 

'" Whereas laws have been passed in some of 
our colonies and plantations in America, by 
which the lands, tenements, goods, chattels, rights, 
and credits of persons, who have never resided 
within the colonies where such laws have been 
passed, have been made liable to be attached for 
the recovery of debts, in a manner different from 
that allowed by the laws of England in like cases : 
and whereas it hath been represented unto us, 
that such laws may have the consequence to 
prejudice and obstruct the commerce between 
this kingdom and our said colonies, and to affect 
public credit : — It is therefore our will and pleas- 
ure, that you do not, on any pretence whatever, 
give your assent to, or pass any bill or bills in 
our province under your government, by which 
the lands, tenements, goods, chattels, rights, and 
credits of persons who have never resided within 
our said province, shall be made liable to be 
attached by the recovery of debts due from such 
persons, otherwise than is allowed by law in cases 
of the like nature within our kingdom of Great 
Britain, until you sluill first have transmitted to 
us, by one of our principal secretaries of state, 
the drafts of each bill or bills, and shall have re- 
ceived our royal pleasure thereupon, unless you 



119 

take care in the passing of such bill or bills, that 
a clause or clauses be inserted therein suspending 
and deferring the execution thereof, until our ro)al 
will and pleasure shall be known thereupon. 

*G. R.' 

"March 27th. Col. Dry is a friend to the 
regulators, and seemingly warm against the mea- 
sures of British and continental administrations. 
He gave me an entire different account of things 
from what I had heard from others. I am now 
left to form my own opinion, — and am preparing 
for a water tour to Fort Johnston. Yesterday 
was a most delightful day, — Fort Johnston is as 
delightful a situation. 

"March 28th. I go to church this day at 
Brunswick — hear W. Hill read prayers, — dine 
with Col. Dry, — proceed tomorrow to Wilming- 
ton, and dine with Dr Cobham, with a select 
company. Col. Dry's mansion is justly called 
the house of universal hospitality. ■ ' '' (-'tx ^^i '^ 

"March 29th. Dined at Dr Thomas "'CoB- 
ham's in company with Harnett, Hooper, Burg- 
win, Dr Tucker, &c. in Wilmington, — lodged 
also at Dr Cobham's who has treated me with 
great politeness, though an utter stranger, and 



120 

one to whom 1 had no letters. Spent the evenhig 
with the best company of the place. 

" March 30th. Dined with about twenty at Mr 
William Hooper's — find him apparently in the whig 
interest, — has taken their side in the House — 
is caressed by the whigs, and is now passing his 
election through the influence of that party. 
Spent the night at Mr Harnett's, the Samuel 
Adams of North Carolina (except in point of for- 
tune.) Robert Howe Esq., Harnett, and myself 
made the social triumvirate of the evening. The 
plan of continental correspondence highly relished, 
much wished for, and resolved upon, as proper to 
be pursued. 

" April 1st. Set out from Mr Harnett's for 
Newbern. 

" April 2d. Reached Newbern about eleven 
o'clock A. M. Waited upon Judge Howard, and 
spent about an hour with him. Did not present 
the rest of my letters, because of the fine weather 
for travelling, and no court of any kind sitting, 
or even in being in the province. Judge How- 
ard waited upon me in the evening w ith recom- 
mendatory letters to Col. Palmer of Bath, and 
Col Buncombe of Tyrrell county. 



121 

" April 4th. Reached Bath in the eveninir — did 
not deliver my letters, biit proceeded next morn- 
ing to Mr Wingiield's parish, where I spent the 
Sabbath. 

" April 5th. Breakfasted with Col. Buncombe, 
who waited upon me to Edenton Sound, and gave 
me letters to his friends there. Spent this and 
the next day in crosshig Albermarle Sound, and 
in dining and conversing in company with the 
most celebrated lawyers of Edenton. From them 
I learned that Dr Samuel Cooper, of Boston, was 
generally (they said, universally,) esteemed the au- 
thor of * Leonidas,' who, together with ' Mucius 
Scaevola,' was burnt in effigy under the gallows 
by the common hangman. There being no courts 
of any kind in this province, and no laws in force 
by which any could be held, I found little inclina- 
tion or incitement to stay long in Edenton, though 
a pleasant town. Accordingly, a guide offering 
his directions about evening, I left the place and 
proceeded just into the bounds of Virginia, Avhere 
I lodged the nigiit. 

" The soils and climates of the Carolinas 

differ, but not so much as their inhabitants. The 

number of negroes and slaves is much less iu 

North than in South Carolina. Their staple 

16 



122 

commodity is not so valuable, being not in so great 
demand, as the rice, indigo, &c. of the South. 
Hence labour becomes more necessary, and he 
who has an interest of his own to serve, is a 
labourer in the field. Husbandmen and agricul- 
ture increase in number and improvement. In- 
dustry is up in the woods, at tar, pitch, and 
turpentine ; — in the fields, ploughing, planting, 
clearing, or fencing the land. Herds and flocks 
become more numerous. You see husbandmen, 
yeomen, and white labourers scattered through 
the country, instead of herds of negroes and 
slaves. Healthful countenances and numerous 
families become more common as you advance 
north. Property is much more equally diffused 
in one province than in the other, and this may 
account for some, if not all the differences of 
^h^racter in the inhabitants. However, in one 
respect, I find a pretty near resemblance between 
the two colonies ; — I mean the state of religion. 
It is certainly high time to repeal the laws relative 
to religion, and the observation of the Sabbath, 
or to see them better executed. Avowed impu- 
nity to all offenders, is one sign at least, that the 
laws want amendment, or abrogation. Alike as 
the Carolinas are in this respect, they certainly 



123 

vary much as to their general sentiments, opin- 
ions, and judgments. The staple commodities of 
North Carolina are all kinds of naval stores, 
Indian corn, hemp, flax-seed, some tobacco, which 
they generally send into Virginia, &c. &c. The 
culture of wheat and rice is making quick pro- 
igress, as a spirit of agriculture is rising fast. 
The favourite liquors of the Carolinas are Claret, 
and Port wines, in preference to Madeira or 
Lisbon. The commerce of North Carolina is 
much diffused through the several parts of the 
province. They in some respects may be said to 
have no metropolis, though Newbern is called the 
capital, as there is the seat of government. It is 
made a question which carries on the most trade, 
whether Edenton, Newbern, Wilmington, or 
Brunswick, — it seems to be one of the two first. 
There is very little intercourse between the north- 
ern and southern provinces of Carolina. The 
present state of North Carolina is really curious ; 
— there arc but five provincial laws in force 
through the colony, and no courts at all in being. 
No one can recover a debt, except before a single 
magistrate, where the sums are within his juris- 
diction, and offenders escape with impunity. The 
people are in great consternation about the matter ; 
what will be the consequence is problematical. 



124 

" April 6th. Lodged at Suffolk. — April 7th. 
Dined at Sinithlield, two considerable towns in 
Virginia. As I verge northward, tlie lands, and 
the culture of them, have gradually changed for 
the better. Excellent farms, and large cleared 
tracts of land, well fenced and tilled, are all 
around me. Peach trees seem to be of sponta- 
neous growth in these provinces, and 1 saw them 
all along in the finest bloom. Whole fields of 
them looked beautiful. I saw about six acres, 
all in high bloom, and very regularly planted, 
every other row being trees of the apple and pear 
kind, not yet in blossom. An extent of about 
twelve or fifteen acres of peach-trees regularly set 
in equidistant rows, intermixed all about with 
many small pine trees of exquisite verdure, form- 
ed a prospect to the eye, most delightful and 
charming. 

" April 9th. I arrived this morning at about 
ten o'clock at Williamsburg, the capital of Vir- 
ginia. It is a place of no trade, and its im- 
portance depends altogether on its being the seat 
of government, and the place of the college. 
I have just l)een takiiiii a view of the whole 
town. It is inferior to my expectations. Nothing 
of the population of the north, or of the splendour 



125 

and magnificence of the south. The college 
makes a very agreeable appearance, and the large 
garden before it, is of ornament and use. There 
are but two private buildings of note, the Gover- 
nor's and the Attorney General's. The college 
is in a very declining state. The statehouse is 
more commodious inside, than ornamental with- 
out. The council chamber is furnished with a 
large, well chosen, valuable collection of books, 
chiefly of law. The court of justice is ill con- 
trived. This day I purchased a very handsome 
edition of the Virginia laws. I was present at 
their General Court, vvhi(di is the supreme court 
of justice, and the court of chancery, of this 
province. I had only an opportunity of hearing 
short motions made by their most eminent coun- 
sel at the bar ; the chancery business being 
always the employment of the first week, and 
that of the crown or civil business of the second, 
and succeeding weeks. The constitution of the 
courts of justice and equity in this province is 
amazingly defective, inconv'enient, and dangerous, 
not to say absurd and mischievous. This motley 
kind of court, called the General Court, is com- 
posed of the governor and council, who are 
appointed and created by mandamus from the 



126 

crown, and hold bene placito. I am told it is 
no uncommon thing for this court to sit one hour 
and hear a cause as a court of law, and the next 
hour, perhaps minute, to sit and audit the same 
cause as a court of chancery and equity, — and if 
my information is good, very often give directly 
contrary decisions. 

" It was a matter of speculation with me, how 
such a constitution and form of judicial adminis- 
tration, could be tolerable. I conversed with 
many who seemed to have experienced no incon- 
venience, and of course to apprehend no danger 
from this quarter ; yet they readily gave in to 
my sentiments upon this subject, when I endeav- 
oured to show the political defects and solecism 
of this constitution. However, I saw none who 
gave me any satisfactory account of the true 
reason, that more mischievous consequences had 
not flowed from this source. Perhaps it was 
owing to ni}^ misfortune in not having letters to 
any of the bar, and but one to any gentleman 
within many miles of Williamsburg, although I 
had many to persons of distinction expected in 
town next week. I can only regret many cir- 
cumstances, which deprive me of the means of 
remedying this inconvenience. ^ 



127 

" April 11th. I spent the evening with two of 
the council of the province, and our conversation 
was wholly political. They invited me to dine 
with the council next day, and offered to intro- 
duce me to the governor, the Earl of Dunmore, — 
but I was unfortunately obliged to wave the 
invitation. . . 

" April 12th. Upon farther inquiry, I find that 
the Council of this province, hitherto have been, 
and now are (one instance excepted) generally 
appointed from among the most opulent persons 
and landed men of the province, whose views, 
connexions, interests, or inclinations, have gener- 
ally been such, as to keep them from baser be- 
tray ments of their trust, and the more atrocious 
prostitution of their enormous power and authori- 
ty. This may account in some measure for the 
^matter I just now mentioned, — but surely it is 
not in these latter times any security or proper 
safeguard, from future invasions, and oppressions. 
^^I am mistaken in my conjecture, if in some ap- 
iproaching day Virginia does not fully see the 
„ capital defects of her constitution of government. 
" An aristocratical spirit and principle are vexy 
j^prevalent in the laws and policy of this colony ; 
and the law ordaining that entailed estates shall 



128 

not be barred by common recoveries, is not the 
only instance thereof. 

f, \ij April 16th. Crossed the Potomac river, and 
arrived in Maryland. Through Virginia we 
iind agriculture carried to great perfection, and 
large fields, from ten to tvsenty acres in extent, 
planted with peach trees, which being all in bloom, 
made my journey vastly agreeable. TJie purpose 
of raising these trees, is the making of brandy, a 
very favourite liquor. The melody of the fields 
and woods through Virginia is greatly beyond 
that of the Carolinas. The culture of corn and 
wheat is supplanting very fast that of tobacco 
in this province. 

^^jjf The soils through Virginia and Maryland 
are mostly of a reddish colour, and sandy sub- 
stance. Maryland is very hilly, and abounds with 
oak trees. To the South of Virginia, the public 
roads are through a level, sandy, pitch-pine bar- 
ren. When we enter Virginia, and in proportion 
as we come North, we change the plain, for hills, 
and pitch-pines for oaks ; — and the goodness, 
value, and improvement of the soil is correspon- 
dent to this alteration of appearances. The to- 
bacco of Maryland, as I was uniformly told, both 
there and in Virginia, bears a preference in all 



129 

foreign markets, and carries a proportionable ad- 
vance of price. The Maryland tobacco goes un- 
der the name of coloured tobacco, and is of a 
bright yellow. This colour arises chiefly from the 
nature of the soil, but in some measure also from 
the mode of curing it ; the Marylander in this re- 
spect taking more pains than the Virginian. The 
culture of tobacco is declining, and that of grain 
rising fast in this province. St George's county 
and Elk Ridge tobacco, is deemed here to be of 
the best quality. Maryland is a fine wheat 
country. These extensive fields of wheat and 
other grain afford great pleasure to the lover of 
mankind and the useful arts; and the exquisite 
verdure which at this season covers their fields, 
presents a prospect highly gratifying to the lover 
of nature. 

*' April 22d. I spent about three hours in 
company with the celebrated Daniel Dulany Esq., 
the Attorney General of the province, and several 
others of the bar, — and gentlemen of the province. 
A most bitter and important dispute is subsisting, 
and has long subsisted in this province touching the 
fees of the officers of this colony, and the Gov- 
ernor's proclamation relative thereto. At the 
conference of the two houses, the dispute was 
17 



130 

conducted with good sense and spirit, but with 
great acrimony, by Daniel Dulany of the council, 
and the speaker, Tillingham, of the lower house. 
^Jjf" I attended the Supreme (called the Provin- 
cial) Court, two days ; but one cause or motion 
was argued, and I had therefore no opportunity 
to judge of the talents of the bar. The common- 
alty seem in general through this province to be 
friendly towards strangers, and tolerably industri- 
ous ; — but I saw nothing to lead me to suppose 
that they in any measure surpassed the New 
Englanders in either of these respects. Balti- 
more is the largest, most populous and trading 
town in this province. Annapolis is the metropo^ 
lis, or seat of government, and the residence of 
many of the most wealthy citizens, 
^jj" April 23d. As soon as we enter Pennsylva- 
nia, the regularity, goodness, and the straight, ad- 
vantageous position of the public roads, are evi- 
dences of the good policy and laws of this well 
regulated province. Pennsylvania is said to be 
not so fine a wheat country as Maryland, but a 
better grazing country. Cattle cover the pastures 
in great abundance. Very fine streams of water 
are every where dispersed through the land, and 
as you approach the capital, a prospect of the 



131 

river Delaware, on which Philadelphia is situated, 
affords a most delightful scene. My journey for 
these several days has not only been delightful 
from the gratification of the eye, but the exquisite 
scent from blooming orchards gave a rich perfume, 
while sweetest melody of birds was truly charming 
to the ear. ^m^lcJ 3d J to -^-^bui o • 

*' April 24th. Went to public worship at St 
Peter's church, and heard the celebrated orator, 
the Rev. Mr Coombs, an Episcopalian. He la- 
boured to speak with propriety, and was therefore 
not altogether natural : — he was a little affected, 
but spoke well. This may seem a paradox, but 
I cannot better convey my idea of him. In prayer, 
he had the faults of most clergymen who use es- 
tablished forms ; his emphasis, look, accent, and 
gesture, were not conformable to his subject, 
station, and language. He made an extempore 
prayer before sermon, which, in point of senti- 
ment, propriety of expression, and true sublimity, 
exceeded any thing of the kind I ever heard. 
This prayer he uttered with singular grace. His 
sermon was twenty minutes in length, and was 
an extremely fine, moral, elegant declamation — 
decorated with all the beauties of style, language, 
and rhetorical utterance. 



132 

'" The church is bcautifullv nciit : — there is no 
Lord's Prayer, Commandments, or Creed, over 
the communion table. ' ' '' ' 

" x\pril 25. This morning at sunrise took a 
delightful ride of about fourteen miles into the 
country, — it is a perfect garden, I had almost said 
an Eden ; — however, I saw it at the highest ad- 
vantage. On my return, was visited by young 
Dr Shippen, Mr Thomas Smith, a merchant, and 
Mr Arodi Thayer. Dined with the Superior 
Court judges, and all the bar, on turtle, &c. &c. 
Had much conversation with " The Farmer," 
J. Dickinson Esq., Mr Galloway, the Speaker of 
the House, and others, on politics. Introduced 
by Mr Feed, an eminent lawyer, to whom I had 
letters from the Hon. Thomas Cushing Esq. 

" April 28th. This forenoon John Dickinson 
Esq., '' The Farmer," visited me at my lodgings — 
spent an hour with me, and engaged me to dine 
w^ith him on the third of Ma} , at his country seat. 
Dihed with Mr Jonathan Smith, a very worthy 
and sensible merchant; with several very eminent 
lawyers. 

^'^''« April 29th. Dined Avith Mr Thomas Smith, 
merchant, in Philadelphia, and a select company — 
was visited in the morning by the Rev. Mr Ew- 



133 

ing, who spent two hours with me, and with 
whom I dine on the 5th of May. He appears 
quite the man of sense, breeding, and Catholicism, 
and he gave me much insight into the present 
state of the college in this place. 

" April 30th. Visited this morning for an hour 
by Chief Justice Allen and his sons. Dined at the 
house of that very sensible, polite, and excellent 
lawyer, J. Reed Esq., in company with "The 
Farmer," Judge Jared Ingersoll, and several other 
lawyers and merchants. Toa^ ards evening Judge 
Ingersoll and Mr Reed went with me round the 
town to show me the environs and public buildings. 

"May 1st. Took a three hours' ride jwjttb 
J. Reed Esq. round the vicinity of Philadelphia. 

"May 3d. The morning of this day spent in 
reading, and amusements of the itinerary kind. 
Dined with John Dickinson Esq., the celebrated 
Pennsylvanian " Farmer," at his country seat 
about two miles and a half from town. A large 
company were very elegantly entertained. This 
worthy and able politician (for such he is, though 
his views and disposition lead him to re/use the 
latter appellation) here enjoys " otiun^ ,ci^m dig- 
nitate" as much as any man. ff.fS nf .tnrrf'^iom 



i-yy 



134 

" May 6th. This afternoon went with a num- 
ber of gentlemen to see the hospital, and hear a 
lecture from joung Dr Shippen. The curiosities 
of this hospital are far beyond any thing of the 
kind in North America. Dr Shippen gave a very 
learned, intelligible, elegant, and concise discourse, 
which did him honor as a physician and orator. 

" May 9th. This day I was to have dined 
with Mr Peter WycofF, merchant, but having met 
Thomas Oliver Esq. of Cambridge, who was re- 
turning home, I embraced the opportunity of such 
agreeable company, and set out for New England 
ten days earlier than I intended. I was also 
obliged to decline the invitation of Chief Justice 
Allen to dine with him, on the same account. 
Our tour through Pennsylvania, on the borders of 
the river Delaware, was variegated by those en- 
chanting prospects of navigation, industry, and 
plenty, which serve to delight the senses and ele- 
vate the mind. vrPtrtr 

The Pennsylvanians, as a body of people, may 
be justly characterized as industrious, sensible, 
and wealthy. The Philadelphians, as commercial, 
keen, and frugal. Their economy and reserve 
have sometimes been censured as incivility and 
avarice ; but all that we saw in this excellent 



135 

city, was replete with benevolence, hospitality, 
sociability, and politeness, joined with that pru- 
dence and caution, natural to an understanding 
people, who are alternately visited by a variety of 
strangers, differing in rank, fortune, and charac- 
ter. The legislative body of this province is com- 
posed of the governor, and the representatives of the 
people ; and the style of their acts is in the name 
of ' The Governor, by and with the consent and 
advice of the Freemen of the Province of Penn- 
sylvania.' I attended three several days the sit- 
ting of the Superior Court. The bar are a very 
respectable body. The alms-house, hospital, and 
statehouse are the public buildings of this city, 
but are better calculated for use, than elegance or 
show. All sects of religionists compose this city. 
There is a proprietary influence in this pro- 
vince, destructive of a liberal conduct in the leg- 
islative branch, and in the executive authority, 
here. The house of representatives are but thir- 
ty-six in number ; as a body, held in great and 
remarkable contempt ; — much despised for their 
acquiescence with the views and measures of the 
proprietary party, and singularly odious for cer- 
tain provincial manoeuvres, too circumstantial to 
relate. Their debates are not public, which is 



136 

said now to be the case of only this house of 
commons, tlnoughout the continent. Many have 
been the attempts to procure an alteration in this 
respect, but all to no purpose. The influence 
which governs this house is equal if not superior 
to any thing we hear of, but that which governs 
the British Parliament ; and the proprietor is said 
to have as dead a set, in a Pennsylvanian assem- 
bly, as Lord Bute, or North, in the English house 
of commons. This province is in great danger 
from this quarter. ******** 

Notwithstanding the proprietary influence here 
spoken of, there is a certain Quaker interest which 
operates much against the proprietor in land causes, 
in the courts of common law, where the jury fre- 
quently give verdicts against the opinion of the 
judges. In the house of representatives, the 
leaders of the Quaker party, are often of the pro- 
prietary likewise. 

All general questions and points are carried by 
the Quakers ; — that is, by their union they defeat 
the operations of all other sects, in questions 
which any way relate to, or may in the end aflect 
religious concerns. But they are very public- 
spirited in all matters of public edifices, and char- 
itable institutions. There is also throughout the 



137 

whole province among the husbandmen, a spirit ol' 
industry, and of useful improvement. There is 
no militia in the. province, and of course no seek- 
ing after petty commissions, &c. &:c. 

" The advantages and disadvantages of this, is a 
topic of doubtful disputation ; — we shall never all 
think alike on this head. Many of the Quakers, 
and all the Moravians, hold defensive war lawful, 
offensive, otherwise. The streets of Philadelphia 
intersect each other at right angles ; and it is 
probably the most regular, best laid out city in 
the world. r - :< '" 

Hotfl This city and province are in a most flourish- 
ing state, and if numbers of buildings, inhabitants, 
artificers, and trade, are to settle the point, Phil- 
adelphia, is the metropolis of this northern region. 

" The Philadelphians boast of their market, — it 
is undoubtedly the best regulated on the continent. 

" The political state of Pennsylvania is at this 
time the calmest of any on the continent. 

" May 10th. Owing to the company with 
which I was now associated, I passed through 
New Jersey with unusual, and comparatively 
unprofitable speed. Burlington, which I saw at a 
small distance, and Trenton, which I passed 
hastily through, are pleasantly situated and ap- 
18 



138 

pear flourishing. Princeton, where we staid one 
night, is a delightful and healthy situation. The 
college is charmingly situated, and is a commodi- 
ous and handsome edifice. It is said to be in a 
flourishing state. The soil and culture of the 
Jerseys are equal if not superior to any yet settled 
in America. It is indeed a fine countr}^ Having 
passed rapidly through this province, and for that 
reason declined delivering any of my letters, I am 
quite an incompetent judge of the constitution, 
laws, policy, and manners of the people. In the 
evening we reached Powles Hook ferry, and next 
morning crossed to New York. In the afternoon 
and evening we traversed the whole city, and 
spent the night at our lodgings, in company with 
Major R. Bayard and Mr Hyde. 

" May 11th. Breakfasted with Major Bayard, 
— received a few complimentary visits, and an 
invitation to dine with Col. Wm Bayard, at his 
seat in the country. Went to the theatre in the 
evening, — saw the Gamester and the Padlock 
performed. The actors make but an indifferent 
figure in tragedy, — a much better in comedy. 
Hallam has merit in every character he acts. I 
was however, upon the whole, much amused ; 
— but as a citizen and friend to the morals 



139 

and happiness of society, I should strive hard 
against the admission, and much more the es- 
tablishment of a theatre, in any state of which I 
was a member. 

"May 12th. Spent the morning in writing 
and roving, and dined with Col. Wm Bayard at 
his seat on the North river. Attended a public 
concert, which was very full, — the music indiffer- 
ent, — the ladies sprightly and beautiful. 

"May 13th. Spent the day in riding and 
rambling. 

"May 14th. Prepared for departure. 

" May 15th. By the desire of Col. Oliver 
and some other gentlemen, I took passage down 
the Sound to Newport. I was the rather induced 
to this tour by water than through Connecticut, 
having before been through that colony, and my 
horses being so fatigued by their journey, as to 
render it doubtful whether they could reach home 
by land. Excepting a storm which occasioned 
our lying at anchor one day, our passage was 
pleasant, and we reached Newport safely this 
day about noon. 

" The equestrian statue of his Majesty, near 
the fort, is a very great ornament to the city of 
New York. The statue of Mr Pitt has all the 



140 

defects of that at Charleston. Being now so 
near the place of my birth and residence, my 
sentiments and opinions may be presnmed to be 
too much affected by former impressions and in- 
fluences, to make me an impartial judge or 
whblly indifferent relator. I therefore wave a 
detail of my observations and Judgments upon the 
two colonies of New York and Rhode Island. 

" Thus airrente calamo, have I given some 
idea of the impressions made upon my own mind 
in this agreeable tour. Opinions and sentiments 
formed in haste, and (as Lord Bacon says) ' upon 
the spur of the occasion,' are liable to many 
exceptions ; and may probably be erroneous. 
However, they are evidences of one's own judg- 
ment, and may serve the valuable purpose of 
bringing past scenes into present and future view, 
and be a landmark of our own errors. Some of 
the most durable pleasures are of the retrospective 
kind ; some of the best preservatives from present 
mistakes, are written transcripts of past errors. 
What I have set down will be chiefly useful to 
myself. A bird of passage may easily collect, 
peradventure bear away, food for itself ; but can 
transport on its fleeting tour very little if any 



141 

thing, of sufficient soliditj foy tl)p, nqurishment 
of others. iJ ^ * , »f;!o ,,h 

" Were I to lament any thing, it would be the 
prevalent and extended ignorance of one colony, 
of the concerns of another ; — were I to breathe a 
wish, it wouid be, that the numerous and surpris- 
ingly increasing inhabitants of this e;xtensive and 
fertile continent, may be thoroughly attentive to, 
and suitably actuated by the blessings of Provi- 
dence, the dangers which surround them, and the 
duties they owe to God, themselves, and pos- 
terity." 



On the return of Mr Quincy to his native 
town, he resumed his professional and political 
labours, with characteristic ardour. The new 
and intimate intercourse, which during his tour he 
had laboured to establish, resulted in a correspond- 
ence with several of the eminent men of that 
period, who are mentioned in the preceding jour- 
nal. The ensuing letter from Jonathan B. Smith 
Esq. has reference to a question much agitated 
at that time, and maintained with great firmness 
by the friends of American freedom, ' that the 
original purpose of the early emigrants to this 
country was, to escape, absolutely, from the juris- 



142 

diction of the parent state ; and, that this inten- 
tion was fairly to be deduced from the early char- 
ters.'' In the letter from Mr Clymer will be seen 
the different degree of ardour which at that time 
existed among the various colonies, touching the 
great question of resistance to Great Britain. 

Doubts concerning the firmness or patriotism 
of one or the other of the colonies were common, 
and were not unfrequently expressed to each 
other, by those ardent spirits, whose boldness 
and sagacity would not permit them to follow 
tracks, which seemed to them timid or time- 
serving. 

The reply of Mr Quincy is a short exposition 
of the principles and means by which union 
might be effected amono; the colonies, and resist- 
ance against foreig^n oppression organized. 

The ultimate union and faithfuhiess of those 
colonies, whose firmness was at that time ques- 
tioned, soon dispelled all such patriotic appre- 
hensions. It was to be expected, in the great 
diversity of interests, habits, knowledge, and con- 
nexion with the parent state, vi'hich existed in the 
several colonics, that the impressions made on 
each by the same acts of the British ministry 
should be different ; and that the necessity of re- 



143 

sistance, and the degree to which it oiii^ht to 
extend, should be in each differently estimated. 
Hesitation, doubt, and want of concord, under 
such circumstances, cannot be a matter of sur- 
prise. The real cause of wonder is, that a har- 
mony so perfect, and an union, as it respected the 
end and means of opposition, so general, should 
have been effected at such an early period. A 
knowledge of the nature and extent of these fears, 
existing in the colonies in relation to each other, 
is, however, necessary, in order to a perfect under- 
standing of the difficulties by which those were 
surrounded, who saw the necessity of independ- 
ence, and whose courage permitted them to stop 
at nothing short of its complete achievement. 

TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. ESQ., BOSTON. 

''Philadelphia, May 12, 1773. 
"Sir, 

*' Agreeably to my promise I now enclose you 

a copy of one of the first American charters. It 

is made out from an impression of (A. D. 1600) 

' Hackluit's Voyages,' which is now out of print, 

and perhaps the copy, from which it is taken, is 

the only one in America. Had your Governor 

Hutchinson a copy within his reach, it might 



144 

have furnished him with perhaps not the least 
curious, and it may be important paper in his col- 
lection. How far this and the other papers of 
those early times may discover the intentions of 
the adventurers to America, and of government, 
with respect to the unlimited authority of Great 
Britain over the colonies to be planted, is a ques- 
tion that may admit of a quick decision, especial- 
ly if the approving act of Parliament, some time 
after passed, be attended to. As for the enclosed, 
I think you may depend upon it as exact and 
correct. I hope this may meet you happy in the 
enjoyment of your family and friends. 
"I am, Sir, very respectfully yours, 

"Jonathan B. Smith." 

to josiah quincy jun. 

" Philadelphia, July 29, 1773. 
" Dear Sir, 

"I returned home a few weeks ago, considera- 
bly better for my eastern journey, and have al- 
ready let too long a time slip, without acknowledg- 
ing the obligations your many civilities have laid 
me under. I have thanks to return to many gen- 
tlemen of Boston on that score, and could wish 
my own countrymen were not justly accused of 



145 

falling so far short of yours, in the great virtue of 
hospitality. But hos})itality was not the only 
virtue I had reason to admire there — your patriot- 
ism is the great support of the common cause, 
and I trust will in time diffuse itself so universal- 
ly as to make all attempts against American lib- 
erty as vain as they are wicked. At present in- 
deed it seems to have taken but shallow root in 
some places, particularly at New York, where all 
political principles are truly as unfixed as the wind. 
One year sees the New-Yorkers champions for lib- 
erty, and the next hugging their chains. Our 
Pennsylvanians I take to be in the mean betwixt 
both. I cannot call it the golden mean, for sure- 
ly it is not alone sufficient when our liberties are 
so greatly threatened, to think justly of the dan- 
ger, or to have the principles of freemen. These 
principles should direct the conduct of every in- 
dividual, and of the public. 

"I beg you will make my particular compli- 
ments to Mr Hancock and Mr S. Adams, There 
are no men more worthy of general esteem ; — the 
latter I cannot sufficiently respect for his integri- 
ty and abilities. All good Americans should erect 
a statue to him in their hearts. Our actj^uaint- 
ance has yet been but short, but, believe me. it 
19 



146 

will leave an impression on me of longer date, 
and a strong desire with it of cultivating your 
friendship. I sincerely wish you and yours every 
possible happiness, and am, dear Sir, 

your most obedient servant, 

George Clymer. 



TO GEORGE CLYMER ESQ. 

" Boston, August, 1773. 

" Dear Sir, 

" It gives me great pleasure to hear of your 
safe return to your family. The reflection of 
having contributed to Mr Clymer's happiness, 
gives his friends a real satisfaction. I hope your 
confidence in the universal diffusion of public 
virtue will not be frustrated. Force is not all 
we have to fear ; fraud is a more concealed, and 
therefore a more dangerous enemy. Political 
artifice is used to divide, while ministerial ma- 
noeuvres destroy us. Instability is not peculiar 
to the New-Yorkers ; it is the characteristic of 
men in all ages and nations. Let us forgive 
each other's follies, and unite while we may. 
* To think justly, is [certainly] not sufficient' — 
but we must think alike, before we shall form a 
union ; — -that truly formed, we are invincible. 



147 

Tliey who have the principles of freemen, feel 
them ; — the sensation once felt, it directs ' the 
band of the undividcid and free.' A spark of fire 
inflames a compact building, a spark of spirit 
will as soon enkindle a united people. Our hem- 
isphere is calm, but the diviners of our political 
sky see a cloud at the horizon, though not bigger 
than a hand. They who have reason to fear a 
storm, will seek a shelter. The impression of 
our short acquaintance was most certainly mutual, 
and a cultivation of future friendship, as cor- 
dially embraced as it is offered. A mutual 
exchange of sentiments will give us, as men, a 
knowledge of each other ; that knowledge natur- 
ally creates esteem, and that esteem will, in the 
end, cement us as colonists. As men, and as 
brethren then, in one common cause, let us think, 
converse, and act. When the guilty combine, let 
the virtuous unite ; else individuals and commu- 
nities will fall a sacrifice, one by one, in an 
inglorious, despicable struggle. Present me, in 
terms expressive of great affection and respect, 
to Mr Dickinson and Mr Reed, and believe me 
with sincere regard, and warm wishes, your most 
humble, obedient servant, 

" JOSIAH QUINCY JUN." 



148 

The controversy between the colonies and the 
parent state, now became daily more alarming 
and critical. Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson 
had succeeded to the chair of state in Massachu- 
setts, on the embarkation of Governor Bernard 
for England in the autumn of 1769. His convo- 
cation of the General Assembly at Cambridge 
instead of Boston, in 1770 ; — his acquiescence in 
the dismissal of the troops at Castle Island, which 
had formerly been in the pay of the province, and 
suficring that fortress to be placed in the hands 
of a regular British force ; — his refusal to approve 
a bill which had passed both branches of the legis- 
lature for the more frequent inspection and disci- 
pline of the militia ;— the duplicity with which 
he had acted on that occasion ; — the misrepresent- 
ations which he had made to the British ministry, 
both as to the conduct of the council, and that of 
the metropolis ; — his accepting a salary from the 
crown in April 1771 ; — objecting to the general 
tax-bill, unless the officers of the crown were 
exempted ; — refusing his assent to the resolve of 
the legislature for the payment of their agent in 
England ; — openly advocating the doctrine that 
the liberties of the province depended on the 
grant of the crown, and that the colonies were 



149 

bound to obey all laws of the parent state ; — his 
refusal to answer the inhabitants of Boston, when 
they inquired by a committee, ' whether the sala- 
ries of the judges were also to be paid by the 
crown,' and negativing their application for a 
convocation of the General Assembly, for the 
purpose of adopting measures to prevent so great 
an evil ; — had ibrmed an aggregate of offensive 
acts, the effect of which, on his character and 
influence, no talents could uphold, no popularity 
support, no artifice either palliate or evade. 

From beino; a man of the greatest influence 
and popularity, he became the most obnoxious of 
all the tools of the British ministry. No man 
had obeyed their mandate with more boldness. 
No man had advocated their principles with more 
effrontery. He had not merely acted on the de- 
fensive, he had sought opportunities to show his 
zeal and forwardness in the cause of his employ- 
ers. At this time, June 1773, the letters of Ber- 
nard, Hutchinson, and several commissioners of 
the revenue, were discovered and transmitted 
from England by Franklin, and communicated by 
Samuel Adams to the House of Representatives 
in Massachusetts. 



150 



Their effect was convulsive. The legislative 
hall and the press teemed with resolves and re- 
proaches. Among others, Mr Quincy recom- 
menced a series of essays under the title of 
" Marchmont P'Jedham," in atone of bold invective 
against those whom he considered as the authors 
and instigators of the oppressive measures of the 
British ministry. The spirit of the writer will 
appear from a single paragraph. " If to appear 
for my country is treason, and to arm for her de- 
fence is rebellion, — like my fathers, I will glory 
in the name of rebel and traitor, — as they did in 
that of puritan and enthusiast." 

In May 1774, he published his chief political 
work, entitled " Observations on the act of Par- 
liament, commonly called ' The Boston Port Bill,' 
with Thoughts on Civil Society and Standing 
Armies." After this work was advertised as be- 
ing in the press, he received the following anon- 
ymous letter, from the British coffee-house. 



TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 

'* Sir, 

" 1 am compelled by the common principles of 
humanity to warn you of the imminent hazard 
which I consider you to be in, of the loss of life, 



151 

and confiscation of your estate. It is now be- 
come very apparent that the supreme power of 
Great Britain, viz. King, Lords, and Commons, 
which you some time since, as I am informed, were 
pleased to term, ' a transmarine poiver, to ivliich 
ive were not amenable,^ hath taken a resolution 
to assert its sovereignty over this his Majesty's 
colony of Massachusetts Bay, a sovereignty, which 
has never been disputed by any of the other col- 
onies, except in the article of taxation, and not by 
this but a very short time since. Every measure 
necessary to carry this resolution into execution, 
hath been taken. A force is employed for this 
purpose, to oppose which in our weak, forlorn con- 
dition, it would be madness to attempt. This be- 
ing the case, it cannot be supposed, that if there 
should be a continuance of these insults and indig- 
nities, which for some years past have been put 
upon the government, and the servants of it, that 
the leading promoters of such insults and indigni- 
ties will escape witn impunity. Those actions 
and words, which by the laws of Great Britain are 
there determined to be treasonable and rebellious, 
will be considered as such here ; and the authors 
of them suffer the pains and penalties, which 
are inflicted on traitors and rebels in Great Britain 



152 

or any other part of the realm. 01" all this you 
seem to me to be altogether insensible, at which I 
cannot but express the greatest surprise, as I 
consider you to be a person of quick discernment, 
to be well versed in the knowledge of government, 
law in general, and more particularly of the laws 
and constitution of the parent state. Your political 
enthusiasm and popular attachment must certainly 
have totally blinded the eyes of your understand- 
ing ; otherwise, I cannot conceive it to be possi- 
ble that a man of your good sense, instead of 
promoiing such measures at our late town meet- 
ing, which in our most calamitous condition might 
have a tendency to soften the resentment of gov- 
ernment, and to induce his Majesty and his privy 
council to remove those evils, which are justly 
brought upon us for our past crimes, should en- 
deavour by inflammatory harangues to keep up the 
phrenzy of the poor, deluded people of this town ; 
to persuade them, that they have resources suffi- 
cient within themselves, if they were united and 
firm, to extricate themselves out of these difficul- 
ties, and to obtain a complete conquest over Great 
Britain, even without the assistance of the neigh- 
bouring towns of this province, and of the sister 
colonies ; but if they should join us, that our vie- 



153 

tory would be beyond a doubt ; that some Crom- 
well would soon rise, and trample under liis feet 
our enemies, viz. King, Lords, and Commons of 
Great Britain, for you could mean no other, they 
being the only enemies you were speaking of. 
You did indeed, in express terms, charge them 
with ignorance and effrontery (in another word, 
with impudence), for passing the late act, which 
will shut up our port. Not content with these 
bold speeches, you were the principal mover of 
sundry votes, passed at this meeting, which can 
be considered in no other light by Great Britain, 
than as an hostile attack upon her ; as by those 
votes, the neighbouring towns of this province, 
and all the colonies from the Floridas to New- 
foundland, are to be stimulated by committees of 
correspondence to put a force upon her trade. 

" Reflect a moment upon this conduct ; con- 
sider the present strength of administration, who 
have carried their measures against you without 
the least opposition ; consider the power they 
have at present in their hands (hov^ever weak 
they may be, when your formidable Cromwell 
steps forth,) to bring to condign punishment all 
offenders against the state ; and I am sure you 
will think with me, that your situation is truly 
20 



154 

ulartning. You will vciy probably get into the 
hands of a power, from which no power you can 
look to will be able to deliver you. You have 
gone such lengths that I am fearful nothing can 
save you. I know but of one expedient left you, 
which is that of acknowledging on Wednesday 
next to this distressed people, that you have been 
in an error, — that you have deceived yourself, — 
that you have deceived them. Employ, for God's 
sake, those rare talents with which he has bless- 
ed you, in convincing them that they have nothing 
to do, but to submit, and make their peace 
with tliat government, which they have, under 
the influence of you and other factious dema- 
gogues, so long offended. You may by these 
means probably make your own peace, and ward 
off the punishment that hangs over your head. 
"It is barely possible that government may 
still continue its great lenity, and overlook your 
offenceg. If this should be the case, permit me 
tt^ 'bbi^rve, there is another danger to which you 
av^' (exposed. dJ iud 

'^mtti Tbe* inhabitants of this wretched town woidd, 
if' 'Jjtbpi^r'* measures were taken, be saved from 
total destruction ; — but if, by the mad pursuits of 
ydU and others, their ruin should be completed, — 



155 

if thousands of the poor, who depend upon their 
daily labour for their daily bread, should be in a 
starving condition, — if those who can now calcu- 
late upon such incomes from their real estates, 
as to be able to live in affluence, should find th^ir 
estates to yield them not sufficient to subsist 
them, they will begin to look round for the real 
authors of their ruin, and wreak their vengeance 
upon them. They will no longer consider Ber- 
nard, Hutchinson, Oliver, commissioners of the 
customs, &LC. &c. as their enemies; they will put 
the saddle on the right horse. We shall see an 
Adams, a Young, a Cooper, a Warren, a Quincy, 
with certain learned doctors of divinity, either 
destroyed by, or fleeing in their turn from their 
rage, and applying to that power, Avliich they 
have so long insulted, for protection-. uujq arit iio 
*' I have conversed Avith many of the thinking 
part of this community, and find very few who 
do not condemn your proceedings. Nothing has 
prevented a public protest apj>earing against you, 
but the fear of that most formidable tyranny 
which the ruling part of tjiis town, have so long, 
by having the conuuand of an heated populace, 
exercised over it. Upon the appcarancei^of , ^ly 
power that Avill be sufficient to emancipate them 



15^ 

from this tenible hydra, yon will find that spirit 
which now vents itself irt secret curses, break out 
irit^' open violence. I can hear you in almost all 
company I go into, styled villains, scoundrels, 
rascals ; and many wish that the vengeance of 
gdverriment had been pointed at the authors of 
all our misery,— meaning your particular junto, 
where, it is said, it ought to have fallen,— and 
not upon the whole community, a large portion 
of whom are mnocent. ' "' '^ 

"Let me conjure you to weigh well what I 
have offered to your consideration, and believe 

me to be ^t«^ i^^ '■^' ""'^ ^'' 

Diiami ,\m Ik ni <' Your Wellwisher." 

^-'Tfie reply of Mr Quincy to the preceding 
anonymous letter was published in the Massa- 
chusetts Okzette, No. 3685. 

r: JiiiiUOl'ff 06 «'/!) •'•■^ ;'.■:.' ^0119 

.fI£a8B88fc JIB to bopf? '"U '<TfR ^f{l 

b9Jr>aimjmmo3 ,, ^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^774. 

^lolouibda bfiB fimiin ivdfU In'i <<no8'if)q vd 

" Mr Draper, 

^^" Having this day received from the British 
coffee-house an anonymous letter, in which the 
author'''\^i^ me of the imminent hazard which 
he considers me to be in, of the loss of life, and 



157 

confiscation of my estate,' I desire, through tj^/t; 
medium of your paper, to acknowledge the ri?-?^. 
ceipt of it, and, in turn, communicate my oy^fc^i^^ 
sentiments to the author. ^nr ot» [ vnR«tmo:v 

" The good or ill design of the writer being 
problematical, I suspend my censure, and ,]}£V- 
surely v*'ill not expect my thanks, , jtji^^ ^P? ^^r^ 
stead of concealing himself beyond the power of 
discovery, desired a conversation with me ia 
person, his frankness would have been an evidence 
of his sincerity, and my cordiality on the occa- 
sion should have testified my gratitude.^. ..j.-j-),^ ..^ .^, 

" The danger and the wrongs of my country 
are to me equally apparent. In all my public 
exertions, I feel a sense of riglit atid duty, that 
not only satisfies my conscience, but inspires my 
zeal. While I have this sentiment, I shall petr 
severe, till my understanding is convinced of it^. 
error ; a conviction that will not be wrought by 
the arm of power, or the hand of an assassin. 

^*-;Threats of impending danger, communicated 
by persons who conceal their name and character, 
ought never to det(M- from the path of duty : but 
e^vcitmg contetnpt rather than fear, 'they will 
determine a man ot spnit to proceed with new 
vigour and energy, in his public conduct. 



158 

" My place of abode is well known, and I am 
easily found. The author of the letter referred 
to, if he will favour me with a visit, shall receive 
the best civilities of my house ; and if he will 
appoint a meeting, I will give him my presence, 
either alone, or in company ; till which time he 
surely will not expect that I shall endeavour to 
point out his mistakes, or flatter himself that 
anonymous papers will answer the end he pro- 
fesses to have in view. "^"j'T' ? =' -!• jd '^^ 

v/«;f' ^tnw " JOSIAH QuiNCY JuN.'' 

n Notwithstanding these threats, the pamphlet 
was immediately published. Although temporary 
in its nature, yet its connexion with the charac- 
ter of the times and that of the writer, as well 
as with one of the most important periods in the 
history of the metropolis of Massachusetts, gives 
it a permanent interest. It is therefore repub- 
lished in this volume. It is impossible for any 
citizen of the United States, now in the enjoy- 
ment of all the blessings, which have been con- 
sequent on the strug2;le and the excitement of 
that! 'period, to read the eloquent anticipations 
with which that pamphlet closes, and not exclaim, 
in the language of the writer. — " What was then 



159 

prophecy, is now history ! " To him, indeed, 
the great men whom the scenes of our revolution 
were so soon to develop, were without a name 
or reputation. The fame of Washington himself 
was heard only among the broken and uncertain 
rumours of a distant Indian warfare. That noble 
band of heroes and of statesmen, whose deeds 
now cast a glorious light upon our age and coun- 
try, were hidden in that impenetrable cloud, 
which rests, as it respects man, on every thing 
future. Yet the brightness of the coming day 
was apparent to his intellectual vision. Provi- 
dence permitted him to see in prospect, what it 
did not permit him to witness in person, and to 
utter the suggestions of his foresight with a glow 
of language, which reality itself scarcely exceeded. 

" Spirits and genii like these rose 

in Rome, and have since adorned Britain. Such, 
also, w ill one day make glorious this more western 
world. America hath in store her Bruti and 
Cassii, — her Hampdens and Sydneys ; — patriots 
and heroes, who will form a band of brothers : 
— men, who will have memories and feelings, 
courage and swords ; — courage, that shall inflame 
their ardent bosoms, till their hands cleave to their 
swords, — and their swords to their enemies" 
hearts." 



160 

The following letter from Samuel Quincy, to 
his brother, on receiving a copy of his " Observa- 
tions on the Boston Port Bill," shows that, not- 
withstanding they were opposed in political senti- 
ments, their affection for each other remained un- 
altered. Such evidences of the mutual attach- 
ment of these brothers will be read with interest, 
when it is remembered, that by a singular and 
hard destiny, the one sacrificed his health and 
prematurely terminated his existence by his efforts 
in a cause, the success of which exiled the other 
for life, from his home and his country. 

TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 

^^ Boston, June 1, 1774. 
" Dear Brother, 

" The pamphlet you presented me yesterday 
was doubly acceptable, as the billet that accom- 
panied it assures me of your desire to live in 
amity with an only brother. Such a testimony of 
your respect I cannot fail of remembering with 
pleasure. The convulsions of the times are in 
nothing more to be lamented, than in the interrup- 
tion of domestic harmony. We have hitherto, I 
trust, happily seconded the friendship of blood, by 
the friendship of the heart and affections ; and 



-161 

though our intercourse is not so free, or Irequent, 
as it could be wished, yet tlie caution we Imve 
preserved when togctlier, in conversing on the 
subject of politics, will continue to prevent a 
clashing of the fiercer passions. .sin'^m 

*' Our natural frame and constitution, are not 
in all respects alike, nor is a difference in the turn 
of mind among branches of the same family an 
uncommon appearance. A love of ease and re- 
tirement, though not idle, nor unemployed in the 
valuable purposes of life, may be the predominant 
passion in one ; while another, carried out by the 
zeal and fervour of imagination, strength of genius, 
and love of glory, shall snatch at the wreaths of 
fame, through the turmoils of public action. 

" Both of these, nevertheless, may be actuated 
by the purest principles of virtue and integrity ; 
nay more, may be equally serviceable in that 
community wherc^in Providence has assigned them 
a being. A state of inaction, among philosophers 
the ' Vis inertise,' is in some degree a state of 
criminality : but innocence ought never to be con- 
demned, whether the gem lies uncultivated, or is 
found polished in the courts of princes. Igno- 
miny cannot sully virtue, which is the same in all 
conditions, and must ever challenge respect. A 
21 



162 

consciousness, therefore, of having done his duty, 
will support every man against the attacks of ob- 
loquy, and reproach, even though he should meet 
with the trowns and contempt of the world, at a 
time when he ought to inhabit its praise and ad- 
miration. 

"Our notions, both of government and religion, 
may be variant, — but perhaps are not altogether 
discordant. The complexion of our external 
conduct, as men and citizens, may have its cast 
from such variance ; but 1 hope cannot be fairly 
imputed to either of us, as a defect of conscience, 
or uprightness of intention. Want of communi- 
cation often produces a contrariety of opinion, 
and is sometimes a source of disquietude and di- 
vision. Should we at any time disagree upon 
matters that require an explanation, it will be my 
study to obviate the effect of such an infelicity. 

" God preserve you in health and longevity, 
the friend and patron, and at length the father of 
your country, and the eclat of your own times 
record you with honour to the memory of the 
latest ages, and especially, the prayer nearest my 
heart, may you continue, and have reason to con- 
tinue, the friend and companion of your most 
cordially affectionate brother. 

" Samuel Quincy." 



163 

The following letters indicate, not only the 
general jealousies and fears which existed at the 
period in which they were written, but also, the 
particular apprehensions prevalent in some of the 
other colonies, in relation to the conduct of the 
inhabitants of Boston, under the oppressions, to 
which they were subjected. Among the adherents 
of the British ministry, the indignant sense enter- 
tained and exhibited by the people of Massachu- 
setts, and particularly by the inhabitants of Bos- 
ton, of their sufferings and wrongs, was denomi- 
nated " impatience of good order and just authori- 
ty," and was censured, as " irregularities and ex- 
travagancies" not to be countenanced or justified. 
The best friends of Auierican freedom were 
also not without very natural fears, lest Massa- 
chusetts should be quickened into measures of 
open resistance, before the public opinion of the 
other colonies would justify them in uniting their 
fate with hers. 

In all tlie colonies, however, prescient and 
noble spirits, like those of Clymer and Dick'.n- 
sou, were found, who could appi*e«iate both the 
nature of the wrongs, and the just spirit, which 
characterized the leaders of opposition in Boston 
and its vicinity : and who were chiefly anxious 



164 

that the course of measures in Massachusetts, 
should so be regulated as most surely and easily 
to bring all the colonies into one indissoluble 
phalanx for effectual resistance. The ensuing 
letters of Mr Clynier and Mr Dickinson are full 
upon this point. The reply of Mr Quincy to the 
latter gentleman, shows how little he could brook 
that the patriotism of the metropolis of Massa- 
chusetts should be questioned, in a matter of pru- 
dence, any more than of duty ; and how deeply 
he deprecated " timid or lukewarm counsels," in 
the crisis which then impended over the colonies. 
These, as w^ell as all letters published in this 
work, are from originals, found among Mr Quin- 
cy's papers. His replies also are taken from 
copies he was in the practice of preserving. 

TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 

^^ Philculelphia, June 13, 1774. 
" Dear Sir, 

" The business I have been engaged in, almost 
ever since I had the pleasure of seeing you, has 
in a great measure prevented me from improving 
a friendship and a correspondence, in which I ex- 
pected the greatest satisfaction. 



165 

" Knowing how much jou have at heart the 
welfare of your country, — the character you sus- 
tain, and your circle of connexions, any informa- 
tion from you respecting the true springs and 
motives of action in your people on many late 
occasions, w^ould have been extremely agreeable 
to me ; feeling myself much interested in every 
thing that can affect them. 

" I have ever been an advocate for the political 
conduct of the people of Boston, wherever it has 
been made the subject of conversation ; but man- 
ners dissimilar to those of many of the more 
southern colonies, and perhaps some other causes, 
have most undoubtedly contributed to lix preju- 
dices, which nothing but a clear knowledge of 
circumstances can possibly remove. 

" I sincerely believe, that fair representations 
of things would always liave freed them from any 
suspicions of an impatience of good order, and 
of just authority. Those among us of the most 
enlarged sentiments and who have elevated ideas 
of liberty, are unwilling to censure any irregular- 
ities, or even extravagancies, which a zeal for her 
cause may have produced ; but narrow minds can 
scarcely, in any case, be brought to approve, 
where domestic economy and good order seem to 



166 

be disturbed. I would willingly hope that the 
number of such shortsighted censurers is dimin- 
ished, and that the distress now so unjustly in- 
flicted upon the town of Boston, has fixed their 
attention more upon the danger which so fatal a 
precedent has made common to all the Ameri- 
cans. At present, I believe this to be the case, 
and that almost every one amongst us sees the 
necessity of checking the progress that arbitrary 
power is making. 

" Would to God your relief could be speedily 
effected by the means pointed out by the vote of 
your town ; but the minds of men, at least in two 
of the principal colonies, cannot yet be brought 
to combat with the most powerful principle in 
human nature ; I mean self-interest, which must 
be so generally renounced during a suspension of 
trade. Many nideed, who are not swayed by 
selfishness are for offering the olive branch to the 
mother country, unaccompanied by the threats 
and menaces implied in that measure ; and pror! 
posing through a general congress such terms of 
accommodation, as will leave us the essential 
rights of Englishmen, and suffering her at the 
same time, to reap those advantages in trade, 
which some suppose she had in contemplation in 



167 

first settling these colonies, — notwithstanding the 
opinion which old charters in many early trans- 
actions justify, that the absolute independence of 
the colonies was intended. If these two ideas 
are not to be fairly reconciled in theory, tliey 
think, perhaps, a temporary compromise, which 
should leave any determinate principles out of the 
question, may be effected. Our people seem bent 
upon first trying this experiment ; the necessity 
of harmony and perfect unanimity, which all seem 
sensible of, has reconciled very different interests 
among us, and by yielding to each other, the 
Quakers and Presbyterians and other contending 
sects have met in this point. 

" A measure of this kind seems calculated 
rather as a general barrier against the encroaching 
power of Parliament, than to give immediate relief 
to people in your situation. We all wish, how- 
ever, that your firmness should remain unshaken, 
until the remedy, to be applied, shall have had its 
operation ; but this seems hardly possible. Patri- 
otism, assailed by poverty and want, has seldom 
stood its ground. The general subscription to 
be opened here, which I hope will be followed 
in other places, will show that your neighbours 
have not absolutely forsaken you in the day of 



108 

distress ; it w ill in some measure alleviate the 
wretchedness of the poor, and stifle their clamours 
for bread. Would to heaven this proposed charity 
may be in the least adequate to the occasion, 
that the hard necessity of complying with danger- 
ous and disgraceful terms, might be utterly taken 
away. 

" It is said there is a crisis in political, as well 
as in natural disorders ; this may be, when the ap- 
prehensions of any great evils shall have made 
such progress as to incline men to make the 
strongest and most decisive efforts to avoid them. 
I believe we are not yet ripe for these efforts, — 
the two bills before Parliament for taking away 
the peculiar privileges of your province, and mak- 
ing the soldiery masters of your lives, will proba- 
bly quicken and mature our resentments, and give 
us a greater certainty of approaching tyranny. 

"But I have to ask your pardon for this tedious 
letter. I expect in a few weeks to see you at 
Boston with a brother of Mr Dickinson's. * * 
" I am, dear Sir, 

" Your most obedient servant, 

"George Clymer." 



169 

TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 

" Fairhill, June 20, 1774. 
" Dear Sir, 

" I sincerely thank you for your kind letter, 
and the present attending it. This, without flat- 
tery, I think highly valuable, and it gives me in- 
expressible pleasure to find myself addressed in 
so friendly a manner, by a gentleman I so hearti- 
ly wish to call a friend. 

" As far as I have been able to collect the 
sense of the colonies, they are very unanimous in 
the measure you mention of a congress. You 
and your worthy fellow-sufferers would receive a 
glimpse of joy, amid your distresses, to know 
with what sympathy the inhabitants of this prov- 
ince consider your case. What never happened 
before, has happened now. The country-people 
have so exact a knowledge of facts, and of 
the consequences attending a surrender of the 
points now in question, that they are, if possible, 
more zealous than the citizens, who lie in the di- 
rect line of information. Doubt not that every 
thing bears a most favourable aspect. Nothing 
can throw us into a pernicious confusion but one 
colony's breaking the line of opposition, by ad- 
vancing too hastily before the rest. The one 
22 



170 

which dares to betray the common cause, by rush- 
ing forward, contrary to the maxima of discipline 
established by comn on sense, and the experience 
of ages, will inevitably and utterly perish. 

" May God Almighty bless you, and my be- 
loved brethren of Boston and Massachusetts Bay. 
My heart is full ; the time will come, I hope, 
when I may congratulate them on a more stable 
security of their liberty than they ever yet have 
enjoyed. 

'* 1 am. Sir, with truth, 

*' your very affectionate 

" and very humble servant, 

" John Dickinson. 

*' Our country-people appear to me to be very 
firm. They look to the last extremity with 
spirit. It is right they should, if they will sub- 
mit their resentment to the guidance of reason." 



TO JOHN DICKINSON ESQ, 

" Boston, August 20, 1774. 
"Much respected and dear Sir, 

'' Your cordial approbation of my poor 
work communicates a happiness, surpassed only 
by your kind invitation of me into the circle of 



171 

your friends. Believe me, sir, that I recollect 
no feelins; which would give me more solid, heart- 
felt satisfaction, than being considered by you as 
an honest friend, unless I except a consciousness 
of deserving that rank and confidence. 

" Your sentiments relative to that ' colony 
which shall advance too hastily before the rest, 
contrary to the maxims of discipline,' &c. are no 
doubt just. Yet permit me, sir, to use a freedom, 
which your partiality seems to invite, and observe, 
that those maxims of discipline are not universally 
known in this early period of continental warfare ; 
and are with great difficulty practised, by a 
people under the scourge of public oppression. 
When time shall have taught wisdom, and past 
experience have fixed boundaries to the move- 
ments of a single colony, its intemperate and 
over-hasty strides will be more unpardonable. But 
if we should unfortunately see one colony under a 
treble pressure of public oppression, rendered 
impatient by the refinements, delays, and ex- 
periments of the Philadelphians ; of their less 
o})pressed, and therefore more deliberate brethren ; 
— I say, if a colony thus insulted, galled from 
without, and vexed within, should seem to ad- 
vance, and ' break the line of opposition,' ought 



172 

it to incur the heavy censure of ' betraying the 
common cause?' Though not to be justified, 
may not its fault be considered venial? Believe 
me, dear sir, you know not all our patriotic trials 
an this province. Corruption (which delay gives 
time to operate) is the destroying angel we have 
most to fear. Our enemies wish for nothing so 
much, as our tampering with the fatal disease. 
I fear much that timid or lukewarm counsels will 
be considered by our congress as prudent and 
politic. Such counsels will inevitably enslave 
us ; — we subjugated, — how rapid and certain the 
fall of the rest. Excuse my freedom of telling 
what I dread, though seeming to differ from those 
I honor and revere. We are at this time calm 
and temperate ; and, partiality to my countrymen 
aside, I question whether any ancient or modern 
state can give an instance of a whole people 
suffering so severely, with such dignity, fortitude, 
and true spirit. Our very enemies are dismayed, 
and though they affect to sneer at our enthusiasm, 
yet they so far catch the noble infirmity, as to 
give an involuntary applause. 

"I see no reason to apprehend our advancing 
before our brethren, unless the plans they should 
ado})t should very evidently be too languid and 



173 

spiritless to give any rational hopes of safety to us 
in our adherence to them. Sobrius esto is our 
present motto. At the urgent solicitation of a 
great number of warm friends to my country and 
myself, I have agreed to relinquish business, and 
embark for London, and shall sail in eighteen 
days certainly. I am flattered by those who 
perhaps place too great confidence in me, that I 
may do some good the ensuing winter, at the 
court of Great Britain. Hence I have taken this 
unexpected resolution. My design is to be kept 
as long secret as possible, — I hope till I get to 
Europe. Should it transpire that I was going 
home, our public enemies here would be as inde- 
fatigable and persevering to my injury, as they 
have been to the cause in which I am engaged, 
heart and hand ; perhaps more so, as personal 
pique would be added to public malevolence. 

"^I would solicit, earnestly, intelligence from 
you, sir, while in London. I shall endeavour to 
procure the earliest information from all parts of 
the continent. As I propose dedicating myself 
wholly to the service of my country, I shall stand 
in need of the aid of every friend of' America ; 
and believe me, when I say, that I esteem none 
more capable of affording me that aid, than those 
>^ ho inhabit the fertile banks of the Delaware. 



174 

" If you can lead me into any channel of do- 
ing real service to the common cause, I flatter 
myself you are not disinclined, and though it 
should never be in my power to cancel the obliga- 
tion, it will ever be my study to remember it. 
" I am your most humble, 

" obedient servant, 

" JOSIAH QUINCY JUN.'^ 



TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 

" Charleston, July 12, 1774. 
'' Dear Sir, 

" I this day received your polite favour of 
the 29th of May, and can only say I wish it had 
been in my power to show more civility to a gen- 
tleman I so much esteem as I do Mr Quincy. 
You have my best thanks for your pamphlet. Too 
many cannot step forth at this alarming crisis, in 
defence of the much injured rights of America ; 
and those that do, should, and no doubt have, the 
united thanks of the friends of America. * * * 
" Your situation at this time is truly hazardous 
and alarming, but you will not fall for want of 
friends, because all British America are your 



175 

friends. For God's sake be firm and discreet, 
at this time. Tiie good people of this colony 
have sent for your port one sloop-load of rice, 
and we sliall send more sooiir 

" The 6th, 7th, and 8th instant, we had the 
greatest assembly of the inhabitants of this colony 
I ever saw. After much debate it was determin- 
ed, that Henry Middleton, John Rutledge, Thomas 
Lynch, Christopher Gadsden, and Edward Rut- 
ledge, should, on the 1st of September, meet the 
General Congress at Philadelphia. Their powers 
are unlimited, and I hope the other colonies will 
do the same, and place entire confidence in their 
deputies ; — they can do nothing effectual without 
such powers. I should suppose the first step 
taken by Congress would be to remonstrate, and 
petition King, Lords, and Commons. Our griev- 
ances should be all stated in the way of a Bill of 
Rights, and some of the deputies should go to 
England with the petition. If redress does not 
come, then all to enter into a non-import and non- 
export agreement. I think this seems to be the 
sense of almost all the colonies. ^ ^^Mmi^ ..*i.ii«e 
Our fears are only about you, that you may 
despond and give up ; for I am sorry to see you 
have so many adders In your own bosom, who 



176 

may sting you to death. We have our share also 
of internal foes. Pity it was that Hutchinson 
should have gone home with so many names to 
petitions ; it will do you no good, but much harm, 
I fear ******** **** 

'* I beg to hear as often from you as business 
permits. It is not trifling to write or speak upon 
public affairs at this time of imminent danger. 
Politics should be the theme of the day ; and our 
dreams at night should be of the hapless situation 
of our country. However, bad as it is, if Boston 
does but persevere, and be prudent, her sisters 
and neighbours will work out her salvation, with- 
out taking the musket. Unanimity must be our 
leading star. 

" 1 am, with great regard^ 
*' Your most obedient and obliged servant, 
"Miles Brewton." 



It will be seen by Mr Quincy's letter to Mr 
Dickinson, that in August 1774, at the urgent 
solicitation of his political friends, he had deter- 
mined to relinquish business and embark for Eng- 
land. The circumstances of the times, and the 
singular boldness of his political course, rendered 
it necessary that his intention should be kept 



177 



secret, lest the enemies of the patriotic cause 
should take measures to counteract the effect of 
his presence and represejitations in England. It 
was accordingly concealed from all but his near- 
est relations, and those political friends, who had 
proposed tlie measure. 

The ensuing letters, from three of the most 
distinguished patriots of that period, will show 
the concurrence of their opinions upon the subject 
of his voyage, and in favour of its probable utility. 



TO DR AMORY, IN LONDON. 

" Boston, September 13, 1774. 
" Rev. Sir, , i 

"The bearer of this, Mr Josiah Quinc/, is a 
gentleman of good powers, a fine genius, and 
thorough acquaintance with the constitution of 
the American colonies ; nor has any one a more 
perfect knowledge of wliat has happened in this 
part of the Avorld, both jjrevious to, and in conse- 
quence of the late acts of the British Parliament 
respecting Boston, and the Massachusetts prov- 
ince, of which it is the metropolis. You may 
from him, if you desire it, be let into a clear and 
23 



178 



full idea of the true situation of our political 
affairs. He goes to England, strongly disposed 
to serve his country wherein he may he able, and 
he will be the better able to do tliis, if he may, by 
the help of gentlemen of character at home, have 
opportunity of conversing with those, either in or 
out of administration, who may have been led 
into wrong sentiments of the people of Boston 
and the Massachusetts province in these trouble- 
some times. 

" The favour I would ask of you is only this, 
that you would take so much notice of him, as to 
introduce him either yourself, or by one or anoth- 
er of your friends, into the company of those who 
may have it in their power to be serviceable to 
the colonies in general, and this province in par- 
ticular, which is the first in the intention of the 
administration to be reduced to a state of slavery. 

" We groan under the oppressive burdens that 
lie heavy on us. I could easily enlarge on them, 
and the expedients in contemplation in order to 
a deliverance from them, — but I purposely avoid 
it, as you may have it done much better viva voce 
by Mr Quincy. 

"Be pleased to accept the enclosed pamphlets ; 
one of which was written by Mr Quincy, and 



179 

will give you an idea of him as a truly sensible 
man, as well as a fast friend to the cause of liberty. 
" I am, dear Sir, your assured friend, 

" Charles Ciiauncy." 



TO JO SI AH QUINCY .TUN. 

''Philadelphia, Sept. 18, 1774. 
" Dear Sir, 

*' I am to acknowledge the receipt of your 
kind letter, and to thank you for it, and then seal 
my letter. 

" Business, ceremony, visits, and a thousand 
et-ceieras, take up my time so entirely that I can 
scarce find half enough for sleep. I have spoken 
to several gentlemen concerning you, and shall to 
more. 

" I wish you a prosperous voyage, and much 
of the exalted pleasure of serving your country. 
You are surrounded with active scenes in our 
province at present. We are not idle here ; but 
how long it will be before the world will know 
our meditations, I cannot say. 

" Our country is in the post of honour and 
danger, and she behaves in character. The con- 



180 

gress is sensible of it, and will act in character 
too, I hope and believe. 

" Adieu. 

" John Adams." 



TO DR CHARLES CHAUNCY. 

" Philadelphia, Sept. 19, 1774. 
"Rev. Sir, 

, "I have had the pleasure of receiving a let- 
tqr from jou since my arrival in this city. Our 
friend, Mr Quincy, informed me before I left Bos- 
ton, of his intention to take a passage for Eng- 
land. I am persuaded he may do great service to 
our country there. Agreeably to his and your 
requests I have desired gentlemen here, to make 
him known to their friends and correspondents. 
"Last Friday, Mr Revere, brought us the 
spirited and patriotic resolves of our county of 
Suffolk. We laid them before the congress. 
They yyere read with great applause, and the en- 
closed resolutions were unanimously passed, which 
give you a faint idea of the spirit of the congress. 
I think I may assure you, that America will make 
a point of supporting Boston to the utmost. I 

• fil <{ ii" UiOJrjTrj i\:niiff 



181 

have not time to enlarge, and must therefore con- 
clude with assuring you, tliat 
" I am, with great regard, 

" Your affectionate and humble servant, 

Samuel Adams. 



Mr Quincy embarked privately at Salem on 
the 28th of September, 1774. The motives of 
this voyage, and the sensation occasioned by his 
sudden and secret departure, when it was public- 
ly avowed, may be farther gathered from the fol- 
lowing letters, which are published in the order 
of their dates, that his English journal and letters 
may be afterwards presented in an unbroken 
series. They all eminently characterize the 
state and spirit of the times, and the patriotic ar- 
dour of the respective writers. 

The letter from Dr (afterwards Major General) 
Joseph Warren, is peculiarly interesting, because 
few similar records of his mind remain, and as it 
evidences, that the life he sacrificed on Bunker's 
Hill was offered, not under the excitement of the 
moment, but with a fixed and deliberate purpose. 
No language can be more decisive of the spirit, 
which predominated in his bosom. "It is the 



182 

united voice of America to preserve their freedom 
or lose their lives in defence of it." 



TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 

" Braintree, October, 1774. 
" My dear Son, 

" It is now four weeks since jou sailed, and 
if my prayers are heard and the petition of them 
granted, your health is restored, your voyage com- 
fortable, and your arrival safe. News, that would 
be almost as joyful and reviving to your aged 
father, as to hear that, through your mediation, 
peace and harmony were restored between the 
parent state and her injured and oppressed chil- 
dren upon this continent. I have not, nor 
shall forget to inform you of facts as they have 
taken, or may take place, since you left us ; but 
my retired situation will not permit my gratifying 
you so much as I should otherwise be glad to do. 
" All the tories and some of the whigs, resent 
your clandestine departure. Many of the former 
say, that as soon as your arrival is known, you 
will be apprehended and secured. Some say you 
are gone to Holland, and from thence to the south 
of France. Others ''s'aj?';^' the general congress 
have appointed and commissioned you their agent 



183 

at the court of Great Britain, and that you had 
your credentials and instructions from them, before 
you went away. Your friends say, your princi- 
pal motive is the recovery of your health, which 
if Providence should please to restore, they rest 
assured of your best endeavours to procure a 
redress of the grievances, and a speedy removal 
of the intolerable burdens, with which your native 
country is and has been long oppressed. 

" God Almighty grant, if your life and health 
are spared, that you may succeed in every respect. 

" When in town I found two political produc- 
tions, — ' An Essay on the Constitutional Power 
of Great Britain over the Colonies in America ;' 
— and ' A Letter from Lord Lyttleton to Lord 
Chatham, on the Quebec Bill.' They are each 
of them esteemed masterly productions by their 
respective partizans. Before this reaches you, I 
doubt not you will have received the former from 
its author. I regret his allowing Great Britain a 
revenue from the colonies, w^hilst she persists in 
her claim of an exclusive trade with them, which 
appears to me to be an overbalance for all the 
protection she has, or can afford them, especially 
when it is considered that all the profits resulting 
from the immense extent of territory ceded to 



18*- 

her at the treaty of Paris, remains solely to her. 
At the same time, we are restrained from the 
profitable whale and cod fisheries in the bay of 
St Lawrence, and the straits of Belle Isle, which 
we formerly enjoyed without interruption. If I 
am not greatly mistaken, there is not a single 
argument in Lord Lyttleton's letter, whereby he 
endeavours to prove the justice, wisdom, benevo- 
lence, and policy of Parliament in indulging the 
Canadians with the French laws, which will not 
much more forcibly conclude in behalf of the 
colonies, that their respective constitutions and 
laws should remain inviolate, and the rights and 
privileges secured by them, upon no pretence 
whatever to be abridged. Where then is the wis- 
dom, benevolence, and justice of Parliament ? 
What besides low cunning and left-handed poli- 
cy, could induce them to their past and present 
violent measures, wliich must ultimately be as 
injurious to them as they are, or can be, to us. 
But his lordship in the close of his letter tells us, 
'It is necessary to conciliate the affections of the 
Canadians, and thereby induce them to assist 
administration in coercing America ! ' Read this 
passage, attend to the meaning of it, and then, if 
you can, suppress your indignation. What! have 



185 

we Americans spent so much of our blood and 
treasure in aiding Britain to conquer Canada^ 
that Britons and Canadians may now subjugate 
us ? Forbid it, Heaven ! 

" Is this the ' policy,' which he recommends as 
' best calculated to unite natural-born, and adopt- 
ed subjects, in one common bond of interest, 
affection, and duty ?' But I must quit the sub- 
ject * ** **** ** * ^ ^ 

" I have filled my paper, and have only room 
to add the affectionate regards of your family, 
joined to those of ^inoloa 

** Your unalterably fond parent, 

" JosiAH QUINCY." 



TO J. QUINCY JUN. 

''MostoHj October 2S.y 117^, 
"My dear Sir, r - ,r !; o? 

" You will see by the papers that immediate- 
ly after you sailed, a proclamation was issued, 
to discharge the members from attendance upon 
that general court, for which precepts, you know, 
had been given out. They judiciously slighted 
this, sticking to charter-rule ; and upon finding 
24 



186 

Mr Gage did not attend to liis proper duty, they 
resolved themseh'Tes into a provincial congress, to 
meet at Concord tomorrow. They will be stren- 
uous, I expect, in pressing the General to desist 
from his fortifications. Yet what can he do f 
He cannot declare in plain English, that he is on- 
ly striving to make the minds of his officers and 
men easy ; and yet I believe that to be the truth, 
and the whole truth. 

'"" I told you at parting, that if I was deceived 
in my countrymen, and found they turned out 
poltrons, I would not inform you of it, though 
such was your request. Let not that speech de- 
tract from my credit, when I tell you they rise 
every day in character. It is become a down- 
right task for the warmest patriots of our town 
and county, to confine the spirit of the other 
'counties to an attention to the causes, rather than 
% the executors, of our wrongs. J am really 
*^Wed at finding that the wickedness of minis- 
^terial conduct has brought the province so gen- 
erally to make the idea of an engagement between 
'■felWW 'Subjects so familiar to their minds. How 
would such a thought have shocked us all, a few 
years ago ! But the insolent appearance of the 
works on the neck has roused the inclinations of 



187 

the vigorous country youth to phiy over again 
the Nia2:ara ffame of fiUinii trenches with round 
bundles of hay, under which they advanced se- 
curely. The folly and weakness of the works 
may easily be proved to be fully equal to the in- 
solence. Our besiegers, sensible how much na- 
ture is against them, talk of employing constant- 
ly great numbers of their soldiery to break the 
ice of the two bays, little knowing, however, 
what mighty reparation will be made in only one 
of our freezing nights ; and little coasideriog also, 
the non-importance of its being broken in bays, 
which are a dead flat upon every ebb. I wish 
again and again, that the temptations to chastise 
the insult were not so glaring ; as the provincial 
congress, with all their efforts to confine the in- 
land spirits solely to the defensive, will surely 
fail upon notice of ministerial determination to 
continue hostile. Nothing, I think, but a speedy 
knowledge of a change of measures in England, 
can prevent a capital v\ inter stroke. They pvess 
us to leave the town in the strongest manner. 
Many are for doing it, and others for sending off 
their most valuable articles, to be in readiness. 
Our friend, Molineux, overplied in,,,t,he^ good 
cause, was last evening laid to rest,, v^^here the 



188 

incomparable Majhew, and the brother patriots, 
Dana and Thatcher, await the morning of a glo- 
rious resurrection ! and where jou and I had 
nearly gone to rest before him. May it not prove 
unimportant to ourselves, and to the public, that a 
gracious Providence has been pleased to mark 
down for us some later date. 

" J am informed that a letter was yesterday read 
in provincial congress from Mr S. Adams, pur- 
porting that things went in the continental con- 
gress, without any motion of our members, as 
perfectly to his liking, as if he were sole director, 
and that in a very few days he doubted not his 
friends here would receive the most satisfactory 
intelligence. Though the ' Kingfisher ' has orders to 
sail, yet, the weather being bad, I had thoughts of 
risking the chance, that I may gain some further 
light concerning this matter, but finding a general 
suspicion of the insecurity of conveyance by a 
king's ship, I am led to think most of your friends 
will wait other opportunity. I therefore close for 
the present, that you may not think yourself neg- 
lected, in consequence of what, I think, an ill 
grounded suspicion. We have London news so 
late as Sept. 2d. If the people of England, our 
fellow subjects, will cease obstinately to shut their 



189 

eyes to the justice of our cause, we ask no more. 
Conviction must be the consequence of a bare 
admission of the light. God preserve you, my 
friend. naa 

" I remain your friend, 

'' and obliged, humble servant, uig 
"James Lovell." 



JOSEPH REED ESQ. TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. i 

" Philadelphia^ October 25, 1774»),j 
«'Dear Sir, ,m t»?r]t i.mp 

" I hope this will find you safely arrived in 
Great Britain, a country, wherein I have spent 
many happy hours, before she began to play the 
tyrant over America. The cloud which hung 
over the colonies, at the time of your departure, 
begins to disperse. Instead of divided counsels, 
and feeble measures, which at one time there 
was too much reason to apprehend, all now is 
union and firmness, and, I trust, we shall exhibit 
such a proof of public virtue and enlightened 
zeal, in the most glorious of all causes, as will 
hand down the present age, with the most illus- 
trious characters of antiquity. I have with great 



190 

difficulty procured you the proceedings of the gen- 
eral congress, which is now rising, but your dele* 
gates, from whom T received it, beg you will not 
make any public use of it, as the copy is incor- 
rect. Your friend, Mr John Adams, has written 
something to this effect, in the first page. As 
the proceedings of this great assembly are so im- 
portant and interesting, I could not think of this 
vessel's going, without carrying them to you. 
Another ship will sail in a few days, by which I 
shall send you what remains, being the list of 
grievances, and claim of rights. The congress 
would not adjourn, but have recommended an- 
other to be held, the tenth of May, at this place. 
They part with each other on terms of the utmost 
friendship : it will have the most happy effect in 
cementing the union of the colonies, not only by 
the ties of public interest, but of private friendship. 
This ship will carry you the account of the 
destruction by fire, of both ship and cargo, which 
arrived at Annapolis. The owners of both, to 
avoid a more dreadful punishment for their pre- 
sumption and folly, ofi'ered to set fire with their 
own hands, which they did. These proofs of the 
spirit of the people will, I trust, be of some ser- 
vice to Boston. The people of England must see 



191 

that opposition to parliamentary tyranny, is not 
local or partial. It will also have a happy effect 
on the non-importation agreement resolved by the 
congress, as the owners of ships will not choose 
to hazard them with forbidden wares. 

I congratulate you, my dear sir, upon the ris- 
ing glory of America : our operations have been 
almost too slow for the accumulated sufferings of 
Boston, but I trust they will prove effectual for 
their relief. Should this bloodless war fail of its 
effect, an infinite majority of all the colonies will 
make the last appeal, before they resign their lib- 
erties into the hands of any ministerial tyrant. 

I shall be always happy in hearing from you, 
by every opportunity ; and you may rely on my 
sending you a faithful and speedy account of ev- 
ery transaction here. I have w ritten to an old 
correspondent of mine, Mr Hugh Baillie, a true 
friend to liberty, and the cause of America, that if 
he will call and see you, you will show him the 
proceedings of the congress, which I failed in 
procuring for him. I salute you with much 
esteem, and wishing you health and happiness, 
edi ' "I am, dear Sir, i^ ,?.hnjsfi nv/o 

198 9m<*' Your most obedient, humble servant, kj? 
998 JgUffl bn >9q aiii .iioJaotfJ- R*" 



192 

.ioV P. S. I only put the initials of my name, as 
I believe you remember the handwriting ; if not, 
you will recollect to whom you wrote in this 
place, just before you embarked. 

.-HJiiu; ^^ October 27, 1774. 

<}ut wrjien I wrote you yesterday, the captain of 
tlie vessel, which carries this, had resolved to sail 
immediately, but having been induced to wait, in 
order to carry the address of the congress to the 
king, gives me an opportunity of sending you 
the addition, which we have since had from the 
press, of their proceedings. 

I congratulate you, my dear sir, on the spirit, 
and firmness, and unanimity of this great assem- 
bly, the most respectable ever known in this 
country, and am, with real regard, " 

■•" '*' Your affectionate, humble s^H^nt. ' *' 

(ifi^qoiuS 5 ii J. R.'> 

,'ui8 ?S stood 8B jtiO " tl .^lOWOf} 

FbHw ,3011 blliOrfi^ Y,yi»t-44 T^i ifiJflS Ir-J 

/j-miiJgib ^gslim biJHsiiodJ ytJiilJ J£ .J:)'.»Ma otU fiBo 

^ , TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. . 

" Fairhill, October 28, 1774. 
"My dear Sir, -- n.iniii'j • 

il! I should have answered your last liett^r'before 
you left Boston, if I had not imagined from what 



193 

you said in it, that you must have sailed, bcrorc; 
it ooukl liave reached that placeisn^i uo 

" I now congratulate you on the hearty union 
of all America, from Nova Scotia, to Georgia, in 
the common cause. The particulars, you are no 
doubt acquainted with. The congress broke up, 
the day before yesterday ; and if it be possible, 
the return of the members into the several colonies 
will make the people still more firm. The most 
peaceable provinces, are now animated ; and a 
civil war is unavoidable, unless there be a quick 
change of British measures. The usual events, 
no question, will take place, if that happens ; — 
victories and defeats. But what will be the final 
consequence ? If she fails, immediate distress, if 
not ruin. If she conquers, destruction at last. 
But from the best judgment I can form, she will 
not wait long for her fate. Several European 
powers, it is probable, will fall on, as soon as she 
is entangled with us. If they should not, what 
can she effect, at three thousand miles' distance, 
against at least four hundred thousand Freemen 
fighting 'pro aris ct focis ?' s 

" I cannot but pity a brave and generous na- 
tion, thus plunged iu misfortune by a few worth- 
less persons. But it may be said, how can she 
25 



194 

retract with dignitj in the present position of 
affairs ? I answer, her dignity is not at all con- 
cerned, unless it be to punish those, who have 
abused and betrayed her into measures inconsistent 
with her welfare. Is a nation bound in honour to 
support every mad, or villanous, step of a minis- 
try ? It is mean to persLst in errors because w^e 
have committed them : but what is to be said of 
those, who talk of asserting their own dignity, by 
vindicating the errors of others ? 

The present cause is that of Bute, Mansfield, 
North, Bernard, Hutchinson, &c., not of Great 
Britain. Let her renounce their detestable pro- 
jects, which point at her, as their ultimate object; 
and reconcile herself to her children, while their 
minds are capable of reconciliation. 

" ' Oh ! for a warning voice,' to rouse them to 
conviction of this important truth, that the recon- 
ciliation depends upon the passing moment, and 
that the opportunity will, in a short time, be irre- 
coverably past, as the days beyond the flood. 

Every thing may yet be attributed to the mis- 
representations and mistakes of ministers, and 
universal peace be established throughout the 
British world, only by a general acknowledg- 
ment of tliis truth, that half a dozen men are 



195 

fools, or knaves. If their character for ability and 
integrity is to be maintained by wrecking the 
whole empire, Monsieur Voltaire may write an 
addition to the chapter on the subject of ' little 
things producing great events.' 

*' As to your complaint against an expression of 
mine in a late letter, know, dear sir, I wrote in 
agonies of mind for my brethren in Boston. 1 
trembled lest something might have happened 
which I could not only forgive, but applaud, but 
which might have been eagerlj'^ and basely seized 
by others, as a pretence for deserting them. This 
wa^ the sense of men in Philadelphia, the most 
devoted to them, and under this apprehension we 
agreed to make use of the strongest expressions. 

*' May the Father of mercies bestow every bless- 
ing upon you, is the fervent prayer, of 
" My dear Sir, 

^' Your faithful and affectionate friend, 
"John Pickinson." 

am ^liub V 

'lO ^bli' rjcl 

J ,il3ufir aiiij lo Jiwai 



196, 

ro .JOSIAH QUJiMCY .(VI^. 

''Boston, November's, 1774. 
" Dear Sir, 

" Th(3 enclosed letter I wrote with a view to 
its going bj the first vessel that went from us 
since you embarked for London, but the vessel 
unhappily sailed before it got to Marblehead. 
The special reason of my writing was, that you 
mighj; ^ee a few resolves of our continental con- 
gress ;,, as ; I supposed this would give you the 
first sight of them. 

" The fortifications at the neck are nearly 
finished ; the troops sent for from Philadelphia, 
New York, and Canada, are mostly, if not wholly, 
arrived. The grand congress, it is supposed, are 
broke up either by dissolution or adjournment. 
Our delegates are expected in town next week. 
Our provincial congress is likewise adjourned, to 
th,e ti^iiteenth of this month, — November. You 
will, ^ee,,jy^)i^t<j has been done by both the con- 
gress^, jj^o^'a^;, as what they have done is known 
by t^J^^ne>^^spapcrs. Poor Molineux is dead, and 
died suddenly. Our sufferings in the town in- 
crease ^fjjj|;|]^.jVKinter comes on ; and our situa- 
tion becomes more distressingly difficult, as we 
are guarded, both by sea and land, that we may 



be restrained from going out of town, and may 
lie at the mercy of those, who are sent on pur- 
pose to distress us. 

" Would our circumstances permit it, the town 
would be immediately evacuated of its proper in- 
habitants, and this will certainly be the case, 
should administration determine to proceed in ah 
hostile manner against us. It may be depended 
upon, that the colonies are marvellously united, 
and determined to act as one in the defence of 
this town and province, which they esteem the 
same thing with defending themselves. We are 
impatient to hear what is likely to be the resolu- 
tion of administration ; upon their knowing, as 
they do by this time, the union of the colonies in 
their resolution to defend their rights and liberties 
even to the utmost. The spirit in the colonies, 
especially the four New England ones, instead of 
being lowered since you went from us, is raised 
to a still greater h(;ight ; insomucli that there may 
be danger of rashness and precipitancy in their 
conduct. I hope all prudent care will be taken 
to govern its operations by the rules of wisdom. 
It is the wish of every sober, understanding man 
amongst us, that harmony, love, and peace may 
be restored between Great Britain, and the colo- 



198 

nies. They dread nothing more, slavery only 
excepted, than a bloody conflict for the security 
of their liberties ; and yet this, so far as I am 
able to judge, they will readily and universally go 
into, rather than submit to such cruelly hard 
and tyrannical measures as are imposed on them. 
I hope you are by this time in London. The 
weather has been uncommonly clear and mild, 
since your departure. 

" Wishing you prosperity in all your affairs, 
especially in your endeavours to serve your 
country, 

" I am your assured friend, 

" and humble servant, 

" Charles Chauncy." 



JOSEPH REED ESQ. TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 

" Philadephia, Nov. 6, 1774. 
/»¥ Dear Sir, 

'' I wrote you the latter end of last month, 
expecting it would be the first advice you would 
receive of the proceedings of the American con- 
gress ; but by a delay of the vessel, and her being 
obliged to put into New York in distress, it is 



199 

probable that my well intended efforts will fail. 
The congress broke up soon after, and jour Bos- 
ton brethren returned in high spirits at the happy 
and harmonious issue of this important business. 
Since that time, there has been a stagnation of 
public intelligence and advices. 

" On Saturday next, agreeably to the directions 
of the congress, a great committee is to be chosen 
in this city to carry the association of the congress 
into execution. The Quakers, who you know 
form a considerable part of this city, act their 
usual part. They have directed their members 
not to serve on the committee, and mean to con- 
tinue the same undecisive, neutral conduct, until 
they see how the scale is like to preponderate ; 
then I doubt not they will contribute to the relief 
of Boston, and appear forward in their cause. 
But American liberty, mean time, must take her 
chance for them. However, there is no danger 
of the enemy being let in through this city ; — 
there is a band of staunch, chosen sons of liberty 
among some of our best families, who are backed 
by the body of the people in such a manner, that 
no discontented spirit dares oppose the measures 
necessary for the public safety. I am more 
lafraid of New York, — there has been a strange 



w 

delinquency and backwardness during the whole 
summer. If you have any correspondence there, 
I wish you would endeavour to animate them. 
While they are attending to the little paltry dis- 
putes, which their own parties have produced, the 
great cause is suifering in their hands. 

" There is too much reason to fear the power- 
ful rhetoric of corruption, in which the present 
administration is too well versed, has not been 
used in vain. Their public papers are the vilest 
collection of invectives upon the cause, and every 
private character that appears in support of it, 
and are so replete with falsehoods, invented to 
mislead, and deceive, that we have little doubt 
they are bought by some agent of administration, 
and applied to promote their infamous purposes. 
You must therefore hear and read from these, 
with some caution. You see by the example I 
set you of writing by every vessel, that you 
cannot oblige me more than by letting me hear 
often from you. I heartily wish you health, and 
as much happiness as the situation of your suffer- 
ing country will allow you to take, and am with 
much esteem, 

** Dear Sir, your very obedient '^^^ 

*' and affectionate, humble servant,'*"* 

".T. R. 



2bi 

" The villanous tricks of the post office, against 
which we are cautioned from your side the water, 
induce me only to put the initials of my name ; 
but I trust you will be at no loss to determine 
who this letter is from.'' ; " " 



vJi. 






,1. 

TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 



''Boston, Nov. 15, 3774. 

jj 1*^ When 1 parted from you, I fully intended 
to have written you before this time ; be as- 
sured 1 have not been unmindful of you, but 
public and private business has entirely engrossed 
my time. 

" Your leaving this country so privately has 
been matter of general speculation. Some say 
you went away through fear ; others that you 
went to make your peace ; others that you went 
charged with important papers from the continent- 
al congress ; many conjectured you were gone to 
Holland ; upon the whole it was a nine days' 
wonder. Since you left us, there has been a 
provincial congress, which consisted of about two 
hundred and fifty members, in which matters of 
26 



202 

the greatest inijiortance were debated. All their 
proceedings, which I have liberty to communicate, 
you will see in the prints. 

" The town continues to meet from time to 
time, without molestation. There have been 
frequent affrays between the inhabitants and 
soldiers, which have generally ended to the mor- 
tification of the latter. The selectmen and town 
committees have frequent interviews with the 
General ; he declares he has no expectations that 
this people will ever submit to the late acts ; he 
converses more freely with the inhabitants than 
Hutchinson did, on matters of a public nature, 
though we are not off our guard, knowing that 
it is the part of a General to deceive. The in- 
habitants persisted in refusing to build barracks 
for the soldiers, but have in some measure assist- 
ed them in refitting old houses and stores. The 
autumn has been remarkably moderate, so that 
the soldiers are but now entering their winter 
quarters. The main guard is kept at George 
Erving's warehouse, in King street. Almost the 
whole soldiery in America are now collected in 
this town. The new erected fortifications on the 
Neck are laughed at by our old Louisburgh sol- 
diers, as mud-walls, in comparison with what 



203 

tliey have subdued, — and were it necessary, they 
would regard them no more than a beaver-dam. 

" The spirit of the inhabitants both in town 
and country is as firm as ever ; determined to 
defend their rights to the utmost. The continental 
congress broke up the 26th ult. and our members 
all returned safe last Wednesday evening. The 
bells rang the whole evening. An extract of 
their proceedings you will doubtless have, before 
this reaches you. It is the universal voice of this 
people, that they will sacredly observe the injunc- 
tions and recommendations of the grand con- 
gress. The provincial congress meet by adjourn- 
ment the 28th inst. The neighbouring towns 
and colonies continue to send in their generous 
donations to the poor of this town. We have 
our w^oollcn manufactory in good forwardness, 
having completed a considerable quantity of baiz- 
es ; and should it be necessary, we see that we 
could easily carry on any branch of woollen or 
linen manufacture. kj, 

" We have great expectations from your abili- 
ties and attachment to the rights and liberties of 
your country. We are sure you will not be an 
idle spectator, but will, with your usual spirit, be 
an active advocate for truth and justice, which is 



204 

all we wish to take place in our present unhappy 
disputes with Great Britain. 

"It is said the ministry cannot recede, now 
they have gone so far. I wish they would con- 
sult the good bishop of St Asaph, who I am sure 
could put them into an honorable way. 

" Mr Molineux died after a short illness, 
about three weeks past. All friends that I 
recollect are well. I presume you will receive 
several letters from your friends by this oppor- 
tunity, which will doubtless be more entertaining 
than I can be. Depending upon a line from you 
as soon as your leisure will permit, I conclude at 
present. 

" With great respect, 

" Your sincere friend, 

*' and humble servant, 
"Nathaniel Appleton." 



TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 

" Boston, November 21, 1774. 
" Dear Sir, 

" As nothing interesting, which I am at lib- 
erty to communicate, has taken place since your 



Am 

uorv 










I 



^ VNi >i~^ \v ^\) 



^ \^ 






^ \ jJ . ^ ^ 



v^ 



vs 






V. 











4-i i 






^ 




205 

departure from home, except such matters as you 
could not fail of being informed of by the public 
papers, I have deferred writing to you, knowing 
that upon your first arrival in London, you would 
be greatly engaged in forming your connexions 
with the friends of this country, to whom you 
have been recommended. Our friends who have 
been at the continental congress, are in high spirits 
on account of the union which prevails throughout 
the colonies. It is the united voice of America, to 
preserve their freedom, or lose their lives in de- 
fence of it. Their resolutions are not the effect 
of inconsiderate rashness, but the sound result of 
sober enquiry and deliberation. I am convinced 
that the true spirit of liberty was never so univer- 
sally diffused through all ranks and orders of 
people, in any country on the face of the earth, 
as it now is through all North America. The 
provincial congress met at Concord at the time 
appointed. About two hundred and sixty members 
were present. You would have thought yourself 
in an assembly of Spartans, or ancient Romans, 
had you been a witness to the ardour which in- 
spired those who spoke upon the important busi- 
ness they were transacting. An injunction of 
secrecy prevents my giving any particulars of 



206 

their transactions, except such as by their express 
order were published in the papers ; but in gen- 
eral you may be assured that they approved them- 
selves the true representatives of a wise and brave 
people, determined at all events to be free. I 
know I might be indulged in giving you an account 
of our transactions, were I sure this would get 
safe to you, but I dare not, as the times are, risk 
so important intelligence. 

" Next Wednesday, the 23d instant, we shall 
meet again according to adjournment. All that 1 
can safely communicate to you shall be speedily 
transmitted. I am of opinion that the dissolution 
of the British Parliament, which we were ac- 
quainted with last week, together with some fa- 
vourable letters received from England, will in- 
duce us to bear the inconvenience of living without 
government until we have some farther intelligence 
of what may be expected from England. It will 
require, however, a very masterly policy to keep 
the province, for any considerable time longer, 
in its present state. The town of Boston is by 
far the most moderate part of the province; thej 
are silent and inflexible. They hope for relief, 
but they have found from experience that they 
can bear to suffer more than their oppressors or 



207 

themselves thought possible. They feel the 
injuries they receive, — they nre the frequent sub- 
ject of conversation ; but they take an honest 
pride in being singled out by a tyrannical admin- 
istration, as the most determined enemies to ar- 
bitrary power. They know that their merits, 
not their crimes, have made them the objects 
of ministerial vengeance. We endeavour to live 
as peaceably as possible Avith the soldiery, but 
disputes and quarrels often arise between the 
troops and the inhabitants. 

" General Gage has made very few new ma- 
noeuvres since you left us. He has indeed render- 
ed the entrenchments at the entrance of the town 
as formidable as he possibly could. I have fre- 
quently been sent to him on committees, and 
have several times had private conversations with 
him. I have thought him a man of honest, 
upright principles, and one desirous of acconmio- 
dating the difference between Great Britain and 
her colonies in a just and honourable way. He 
did not appear to be desirous of continuing the 
quarrel in order to make himself necessary, w hich 
is too often tlie case with persons employed in 
public aifairs, — but a copy of a letter via Phila- 
delphia, said to be written from him to Lord 



208 

North, gives a very different cast to his character. 
His answer to the provincial congress, w^hich was 
certainly ill judged, I suppose was the work of 
some of that malicious group of harpies, whose 
disappointments make them desirous to urge the 
governor to drive every thing to extremes ; but 
in this letter (if it be genuine) he seems to court 
the office of a destroyer of the liberties and mur- 
derer of the people of this province. But you 
have doubtless read the paper, and thought with 
indignation on its contents. 

" I wish to know of you how^ affairs stand in 
Great Britain, and what was the principal motive 
of the dissolution of Parliament. If the late acts 
of Parliament are not to be repealed, the wisest 
step for both countries is fairly to separate, and 
not spend their blood and treasure in destroying 
each other. It is barely possible that Britain may 
depopulate North America, but I trust in God, 
she never can conquer the inhabitants ; — and if the 
cruel experiment is made, I am sure, whatever 
fortunes may attend America, that Britain will 
curse the wretch, who, to stop the mouths of his 
ravenous pack of dependants, bartered away the 
wealth and glory of her empire. 



269 

*' 1 have not time to say more at present than 
to assure you that from this time you may expect 
to hear from me, news or no ne\^ s, by every 
vessel, and that n y earnest wish is that your 
abilities and integrity may be of eminent service 
to your country. 

" 1 am, dear Sir, 

*' Your most obedient servant, 

"Joseph Warren." 



CJi '■■(■* WO['" 

TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 

" Boston^ December 30, 1774. 
<* Dear Sir, 

While at Philadelphia, I received your fa- 
vours of the twentieth and twenty-fifth of August 
last, and agreeably to your request I spoke to 
divers gentlemen to favour you with letters and 
with intelligence. I should have written you from 
Philadelphia, but I was so engaged that I had not 
a moment's time ; and as Mr John Adams and 
Mr Reed told me they should write you bv the 
same conveyance that I wrote Dr Franklin, I 
knew you would by them be favoured with the 
27 



210 

proceedings of the congress, and the necessary 
hitelligencc, and therefore tliat my writing would 
at that time be needless. Since I have returned 
home, I have had nothing of importance to com- 
municate. 

" The proceedings of the continental congress 
are universally approved, and will be sacredly 
adhered to. The inhabitants of Canada are 
much dissatisfied with the late acts relative to that 
province, and instead of aiding administration in 
carrying the late acts relative to this province into 
execution, they will unite with the continent in 
measures to obtain their repeal. When you left 
the province, it was in a convulsed state ; they had 
a complication of difficulties and distresses to en- 
counter. Under these circumstances it was ne- 
cessary to have a provincial congress to consult up- 
on measures to save themselves from impending 
ruin, and to preserve their inestimable liberty. 
They met in October last. If in any of their 
proceedings they have gone beyond the true line 
marked out by the constitution, certainly people 
of candour and consideration will excuse it, and 
make all due allowance for a people in such aii 
alarming, perplexed, and critical situation, and un- 
der the dreadful apprehension of having their dear- 



211 

est rights and liberties torn from them ])y the 
hand of violence. You are fully acquainted with 
our distressed situation, — jou doubtless have been 
furnished with the proceedings of the provincial 
congress in October last, and as you are capable, 
so, I doubt not, you will be disposed to make the 
most favourable representation of our conduct dur- 
ing this time of perplexity. 

The provincial congress adjourned from Octo- 
ber '29th to November 23d, when they met at 
Can)bridge, and dissolved on the lOtli inst. Their 
proceedings, or most of them, you have in the pub- 
lic papers. The late order of the king in council, 
prohibiting the exportation of powder, or any sort 
of arms or ammunition, from Great Britain, unless 
by special license, has alarmed the people in 
America ; it forebodes the most vigorous exertions 
of martial force. They are therefore adopting 
the most effectual methods to defend themselves 
against any hostile invasion of the enemies to 
America. The people of Rhode-Island have used 
the precaution to remove the powder, cannon, and 
other military stores from the fort at Newport, into 
the country. The people at Portsmouth, in New 
Hampshire, have done the like by their cannon 



212 

and other military stores at the fort at New 
Castle, at the entrance of their harbour. 
" I rennain, with strict truth, 

" Your friend and humble servant, 

"Thomas Gushing. 

" Pray let me hear from you how it is like to 
fare with my dear country.' 



75 



TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 

^^ Braintree, January 3, 1775. 
" Dear Son, 

" I have written two long letters to you, 
since your departure, the last of which, for want 
of a safe conveyance, is, I suppose, now in Boston. 
" Yesterday presented me with the most valua- 
ble, the most welcome New Year's gift I ever re- 
ceived, — the doubly joyful news of your safe ar- 
rival in England, and your health restored. May 
that all-perfect Being, who has bestowed such in- 
estimable blessings upon us, impress our minds 
with a correspondent grateful sense of them, man- 
ifested by a constant exertion of our rational powers 
in pursuit of their proper objects. * * * * 



213 

*'No sooner were the results of the continental 
and provincial congress published to the world, 
than the presses, from north to south, have been 
delivered of innumerable productions in opposition 
to, and defence of them, all which will doubtless 
be transmitted to you in newspapers and single 
pamphlets. However, I cannot deny myself the 
pleasure of noticing one, said to be Avritten by 

your friend G 1 L , which has afforded 

great relief to the minds of those who entertained 
most fearful apprehensions of an open rupture 
with the parent state. ******* 

" I should have told you before, that we were 
no sooner relieved from our anxiety about your 
safe arrival, and the recovery of your health, than 
our concern commenced, or rather revived, to 
know whether you were safe arrived in London, 
and what reception you met with from the court 
and city ; — whether your enemies are to be grati- 
fied by ministerial persecution, or your friends by 
the esteem and honour with which they hope to 
hear you are received and entertained, not only 
by those friends to whom you have been recom- 
mended, but all those friends to liberty, and the 
rights of mankind, who may honour you with 
their acquaintance and friendship. 



214 

" You will readily believe me when 1 tell you 
we are all, whether whigs or tories, quite solicit- 
ous to hear how the new parliament opens ; — 
what the king's sentiments are relative to Ameri- 
can affairs ; — how many new members have ob- 
tained seats in the house of commons, because 
they are esteemed enemies to despotism, and 
friends to liberty ; — whether they are likely to gain 
a majority by being above corruption ; — or wheth- 
er, for want of a sufficient number of inflexible 
patriots, the public affairs of the nation are, as has 
been often foretold, running headlong to ruin, and 
the enemies of the British constitution in its puri- 
ty, are likely to succeed in their endeavours for 
its subversion. ********* 

" You must excuse my jambling from one thing 

to another. Mr W brings intelligence from 

Boston, that the seamen on board the fleet are 
grown mutinous ; — that one of the navy offi- 
cers, meeting with a land officer at K x's 

shop, told him that on board all the ships their 
men were grown so uneasy and tumultuous, that 
it was with great difliculty they could govern 
them. Upon which the land officer observed, that 
the uneasiness among the soldiers was full as 
great, if not greater, than among the seamen. 



215 



" If it was certainly known that a rupture was 
to take place in the spring, there could not be 
more diligence, or greater application in studying 
the science of war, than there is at present through- 
out New England, and I believe through the 
continent ; which surely must convince the minis- 
try that not only an immense treasure, but rivers 
of blood must be expended before the spirits of 
freeborn Americans can be made to submit to 
parliamentary legislation, and submissively bow 
their necks to the yoke of bondage, their fellow 
subjects in power have prepared for them. 

*' Pra}'^ make my affectionate and friendly regards 
acceptable to good Dr Franklin, and any other 
friends who are kind enough to remember and 
ask after me. 

" I cannot express how near your interest, your 
health, and your happiness lie to my heart, nor 
how ardently 1 A^ish my longing eyes may be 
blessed with the sight of you before they are clos- 
ed in everlasting darkness, and the dear relation 
is annihilated between you and 

" Your unalterably affectionate parent, 

" JOSIAH QuiNCY." 



216 

The Journal and letters of IMr Quincy, dur- 
ing his voyage and short residence in England, 
will present all that is known of this last period 
of his life. Much of the information they con- 
tain respecting the men and transactions of that 
time, are to be derived from no other source. 

This Journal cannot be read without leaving a 
deep impression on the mind, of the exclusive and 
entire devotion of the writer's soul to the great 
purpose of his voyage, — the service of his country. 
Possessed of an exquisite sensibility to the beauties 
of nature and art, in a land, which constantly 
presented to him, on every side, objects calculated 
to excite and detain his imagination, and gratify 
his taste, his notices of them are of the most cur- 
sory kind. A single word, indicating either his 
satisfaction, or his surprise, occasionally escapes 
from his pen. Even this is often immediately 
followed by an expression of regret and self-re- 
proach, at permitting any thing to occupy his 
mind, except thoughts concerning his country. 

As the best mode of preserving the continuity 
of events, and impressions, the letters of Mr 
Quincy from England will be published according 
to their dates, in connexion with those parts of 
the journal, in which they are noticed as having 
been written. 



217 

JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE TO ENGLAND, &C. 

" September 28, 1774. Wednesday morning 
ten o'clock, embarked on board the ship Boston 
Packet, Nathaniel By field Lyde, master, and sail- 
ed for London. With us went passengers Messrs 
W. Hyslop and son, Dr Paine, and Rufus Chand- 
ler Esq. of Worcester, Mr Higginson of Salem, 
and Mr Sylvester Oliver, son of the late Lieuten- 
ant Governor. Some of us might say, 'Nos dulcia 
linquimus arva,' while others were obliged to 
mourn, 'Nos patriam fugimus.' 

" Though in low health when I entered on 
ship-board, the salutary effects of the sea air soon 
contributed to relieve my complaints, and in less 
than twenty days, gave me confirmed health. 

" November 5th. Latitude 49° 45', wrote a 
letter to Mrs Quincy. 

5 At sea, Nov. 5, 1774, tico in 
\ the morning. Lat. 49° 45' JV. 

" We generally estimate the value of our pos- 
sessions by their loss, and the worth of our 
friends is seldom better realized, than in their 
absence. ************ 
*************** 
* * * * Believe me, you cannot think with 
how much tender solicitude I look towards you 



218 

and my children. My country, my friends, and 
my family, occupy my whole thoughts, and while 
I see myself blessed with a promising prospect of 
doing some little service to the one, and of being 
returned in safety to the other, it inspires me with 
sensations 1 must leave you to realize. Why 
should I detain you with reflections, while to a 
friend who is absent, nothing can be more grate- 
ful than to tell you how I have been, and where 
I am. After an agreeable and very refreshing 
ride to Salem, we sailed from thence at ten in 
the morning, and were clear of the land about 
two in the afternoon. Though the weather was 
fine, yet in less than an hour I was confined to 
my cabin, but was happy in finding my sickness 
neither so violent nor unremitting as in my former 
voyage. Five and twenty days rolled away with 
much of the uninteresting vacuity and sameness 
of a sea life. I had, however, the pleasure of 
perceiving a gradual daily advantage from my 
voyage, and my retired moments were grateful 
in reflecting upon the many prayers and benisons 
which were breathed towards me by my American 
friends. 

" Such was the unremitted favour of the winds 
during the whole of the preceding period, as that 



219 

we never failed of being able to lay our course, 
which was a circumstance no one on board had 
ever known for so long a time, except in the 
latitude of the trade winds. But this felicity was 
in a great measure destroyed by the poor im- 
provement we were able to make of it ; our 
ship was deep laden, and as bad a sailer as was 
ever navigated by a Dutch commander ; not a 
sail on the ocean but what passed by us as if we 
had been at anchor. Had we been only in a 
tolerably going ship, we should in all probability 
have been at Land's End in one or two and 
twenty days ; instead of which, at the end of 
about eight and twenty, the winds set in strong 
at the southeast, where they have continued ever 
since, and seem at this time as likely to continue 
as ever. These circumstances, at sea, are a little 
more vexatious than those on land easily imagine. 
But as for myself, I had less reason than any one 
on board to be uneasy. Every day has surpris- 
ingly added to my health ; the benefit from the 
sea is far beyond any thing experienced in my voy- 
age to South Carolina. Ever since the day I left 
land, I have never had one symptom of my former 
complaints ; they did not leave me by degrees, 
but entirely and at once ; so that while w riting 



220 

this, no one on board appears freer from disorder, 
and none most certainly in better spirits. Indeed, 
if it were not for my concern about America, and 
my friends there, 1 shoukl not feel one uneasy 
sensation. 

" Tell my American friends, that I see more 
reason than ever, that they should write me mi- 
nute statements of facts. Tell them the period 
to false representations of American affairs is not 
yet come. I shall probably enlarge on this head 
in another letter, and if I should write under a 
new signature, you must not be surprised. I 
know not by what opportunity I shall send this. 
The season is so far advanced, and the winds 
have of late been so favourable for the departure 
of American bound ships, it is probable I shall 
have no very speedy conveyance. However, as 
there is a possibility of meeting some vessel bound 
to one of the colonies, either in the Channel, or 
Downs, I write at this time, so as to be able to 
embrace the opportunity on the shortest notice. 

"November 8, 1774. Ten o'clock in the 
morning. Just stepping aboard a pilot-boat, and 
going up to Falmouth. In very great haste, 
" Yours, 

" JOSIAH QuiNCY JUN." 



221 



JOURNAL CONTINUED. 



"November 8, 1774. Tuesday morning, (six 
weeks, wanting a day, since leaving Salem,) land- 
ed at Falmouth. 

" Having reached the famous island of Great 
Britain, I am prone to contemplate the glorious 
deeds that have made it immortal, — but alas ! my 
affections, and my duty, call me to consider the 
state of my native country. 

" I found considerable advantage by attending 
to my companions, and often collected much in- 
formation of men and things, that from the polit- 
ical jealousies and cautions prevalent in America, 
I could not there so readily attain. One of the 
first convictions I received, was touching the 
source of many American injuries, and one of my 
first emotions was indignation against public con- 
spirators. I find that there was very great doubt 
whether I was going to embark for Europe ; but 
certain Americans were very sure I should never 
dare to go up to London. 

" November 8th. Wrote another letter to Mrs 
Quincy. 



222 



Fahnouth, Great Britain, Nov. 8, 1774, 
" My dear Friend, 

" I have already written to you this day ; I 
shall therefore write nothing very material at this 
time. I am now on shore, every thing around 
me happy and agreeable as to myself. The peo- 
ple crowd round me, eager to hear about American 
affairs, — I gratify them. This place is in situa- 
tion delightful ; the country and cultivation sur- 
pass description. I long to paint the scenes around 
me. All things are heightened by my uncommon 
health and spirits. I am almost afraid I shall 
meet with a damper, but I was never better pre 
pared to conflict with adversity. 

" Since writing the above, I have been regaled 
with the profusions of Great Britain to — those 
who have money. I have read also about twenty 
of the late London papers. I would have sent 
them, but could not procure them. They contain 
the resolves of the congress relative to the late 
Suffolk proceedings. They also seem to breathe 
a spirit favourable to America. I am in some 
pain on finding that six men-of-war sailed for 
Boston, on the twenty-sixth of October. I have 
conversed with several sensible people here. I 



223 

have not yet met one, but what wishes well to the 
Americans. And one or two expressed great ven- 
eration for the brave Bostonians. 

" We have a report that the congress have 
agreed upon a non-importation agreement ; and 
also upon a non-exportation agreement, to com- 
mence the first of August next. I have also been 
informed that Lord North had desired leave of 
his Majesty to resign ; to which the King replied, 
— ' Your Lordship's policy hath made an Amer- 
ican snarl, and your Lordship's dexterity must 
untie it, or it must he cut ; and when Englishmen 
once begin that work, they will probably go much 
further. ' 

" I have no room for more, except that to-mor- 
row I proceed towards Plymouth by land. 
" Adieu. 

" JOSIAH QuiNCY JuN." 



JOURNAL CONTINUED. 

'' November 8th. Took a two hours' walk 
over the town of Falmouth. A delightful situa- 
tion. * * * * Ju iiiy yie^ of Pendennis 
Castle, and indeed of every thing about me, I am 
struck with the great appearance of antiquity. 



224 

" November 9th. Proceeded from Falmouth 
to Bod my n, twenty-two miles. Passed through 
the town of Pendryn, and several small villages. 
The roads hilly and good, affording agreeable 
riding, and delightful land prospects. The cul- 
tivation of the land can scarcely be realized by 
a mere American ; it is to a wonderful perfection. 
The first reflection upon the immense labour that 
must be bestowed on these fields was, where the 
men lived, who did the work. Extensive fields, 
highly tilled, without a house. This was an 
object, which occurred almost every hour. The 
villages in which the labourers and peasantry 
chiefly reside, are built of small stones and clay, 
generally miserable accommodations for honest 
labour. The lower orders of people are servile 
in their obeisance, and despondent in their appear- 
ance. 

" I could not help remarking, that if the little 
liberty diffused through Britain, could give such 
a beautiful face to nature, what would be the ap- 
pearance, if there was as much general liberty, 
as was consistent with that fundamental principle 
of socicU policy, ' the greatest happiness, of the 
greatest number.' * * * * 



225 

*' The Briton says, ' See France, Spain, and 
Italy, — the calamities of slavery ! ' The liberal- 
minded, who use a larger scale, will think it not 
needful to go so far. Nothing is more common 
than to hear in America, both north and south 
Britons declaim against the hypocritical duplicity 
and fraud of New-Englandmen ; but certain it is, 
that Great Britain, in variety and abundance of 
frauds and deceits, far surpasses any part of North 
America. 

" November 10th. From Bodmyn, a very con- 
siderable manuf^icturing town, I rode through 
several villages to Plymouth Docks, about thirty- 
three miles. Saw the elegant seat of Lord 
Edgecombe, a most delightful situation. 

"November 11th. Though a very cold and 
stormy day, I viewed Plymouth Docks, and went 
on board and all over the Royal George, a first- 
rate, pierced for two hundred and ten, and carry- 
ing two hundred guns. The rope-walks, build- 
ings, armory, arsenal, naval and warlike stores, 
exceed the power of the human mind to conceive, 
that doth not actually behold. 

" I will not attempt to describe what I could 
scarcely realize to be true, while I was actually 
viewing. My ideas of the riches and powers of 
29 



226 

this great nation are increased to a degree I 
should not have believed, if it had been predicted 
to me. 

'' I also saw many 64, 74, 80, and 100 gun 
ships ; and went on board a loaded Indiaman 
just arrived ; but this, being after viewing the pre- 
ceding magnificence, did not much move me. 
The various materials, and the several degrees of 
building, from the laying of the keel, to the finish- 
ing an hundred gun ship, which were very care- 
fully viewed by me, in several instances, excited 
an astonishment I never before experienced. 

"November 12th. Proceeded farther to view 
Plymouth and its environs ; saw the beautiful as- 
sembly room at Bath, and the baths for the nobil- 
ity and gentry ; — elegance and splendour. Pro- 
ceeded to Plymouth, viewed the town and castle 
of Plymouth , — incredible strength, natural and 
artificial. The statue of George the First is very 
elegant and beautiful. 

" November 13th. Having arrived at the great 
and ancient city of Exeter, I viewed the city, 
cathedral, and bishop's palace. The cathedral 
surprisingly grand and antique ; — amazing work 
of superstition ! Went to church and saw the 
procession of the Mayor and Aldermen, the 



227 
parade of the bishops, archdeacons, deans, &;c. 

" The North walk in this city is beyond ex- 
pression beautiful. 

"November 14tli. Went from Exminister, to 
the city of Salisbuiy. ,iw ..., 

" November 15th. Viewed the famous Druid 
Temple at Stonehenge, which the learned and 
the virtuosi call one of the greatest wonders of 
the island. It is a wonderful piece of antiquity. 

" Went to the seat of the Earl of Pembroke* 
His statuary and paintings are said to surpass those 
of any nobleman in the kingdom. There is no 
such thing as describing what authors have written 
whole volumes upon. 

" Viewed the cathedral, which is called (and 
perhaps justly) one of the finest in the kingdom. 

" November 16th. Proceeded, and lodged at 
Staines, on the Thames. The number of delight- 
ful seats &c. increases very much ; among others 
that of the Earl of Portsmouth, very superb. 

" November 17th. Proceeded to London, 
where I arrived about eleven o'clock, A. M. 
The extent, numbers, opulence, &c. of this great 
city, far surpass all I had imagined. I was visit- 
ed by Messrs Thomas Bromlield, C. Dilly, and 



228 

J. Williams, from all of whom I received many 
civilities. Waited upon Dr Franklin, and drank 
tea with him. He appears in good health and 
spirits, and seems warm in our cause, and con- 
fident in our ultimate success. I find many friends 
to liberty and America, rejoiced on notice of my 
arrival. 

" I find among a certain set of Americans it 
was a matter of great wonder at the New Eng- 
land coffee-house, what brought me to London. 
My ' Observations' have been reprinted here, I un- 
derstand. Wrote a long letter to Mrs Quincy. 



" London, November 17,17Z4iiK 
*'My dear Friend, - hnnu: 

" About ten hours ago, I arrived in this great 
city, and am now at my lodgings, near the Hay- 
market. With you, and my friends, the first ob- 
ject and inquiry will be about my health and 
spirits. In one Avord (for just now I am a man 
of too much business to use many) they are both 
surprisingly fine, — rather bordering upon extrava- 
gance, than under par. Indeed, how could they 
be otherwise ? From sea, I landed in fine health, 
and have now finished a most delightful journey of 



229 

three hundred miles. The scenes of Plymouth 
Docks, Stonehenge, Wilton House (containing 
the statues and paintings of the Earl of Pem- 
broke), exceed all description : nay, I will venture 
to say, that the imagination stretched to its ut- 
most limits, cannot form any idea of their grand- 
eur, without a view. The same may be said of 
Exeter and Salisbury cathedrals. — But why do I 
waste time upon any other subject, than my coun- 
try ? 

n*' I have spent about two hours to-day with Dr 
Franklin. He appears the stanch friend of 
America, and confident of the ultimate success of 
its friends. He has promised me his patronage, 
and I have reason to believe him sincere. He in- 
quired particularly after ' bis qUI friend^.' my 
father. '* -:- «,--?--; ] ,^-J: :--:n!w' .,:*; t:M,<!A - 

" Mr Jonathan Williams Jun. has waited up- 
on me and treated me with great civility and po- 
liteness. He lives with Dr Franklin, and he told 
me, that upon his W'aiting on him with intelligence 
of my arrival, he asked, if it was the author of 
the 'Observations' &,c., and being answered in 
the affirmative, he replied, — ' I am very glad of 
it.' 



230 

" Mr Bromfiekl has shown me every mark of 
respect. He tokl me that when it was known 
to-day at the New England coffee-house that I 
had arrived, certuin Americans made a great won- 
der — ' what I had come for.' One of the friends 
of liberty in this city came to him also, and told 
him that a certain gentleman in the coffee-room, 
said, — ' Yes, Quincy has been blowing up the 
seeds of sedition in America, and has now come 
to do the same here.' I returned my compliments, 
and sent word, that, ' if I had done nothing but 
blow up seeds, they would probably be very 
harmless, as they would never take root ; but if I 
should have the good fortune to sow any here, 
and they should afterwards ripen, he, or the min- 
istry might blow them about at their leisure.' 

" I am well informed that the friends of America 
increase here every day. In the west of England, 
a very considerable manufacturer told me, " If the 
Americans stand out, we must come to their 
terms.' I find our friends here dread nothing so 
much as lest the congress should petition. Should 
they adopt that mode, it will be injurious to our 
cause. The ministry have carried their men at a 
late election, but the people seem to be rousing. 
You see J have been a short time in London. I 



231 

can as yet communicate but little intelligence. A 
large field is opening to me. I am preparing for 
the course with feelings, which render me careless, 
whether I shall be pursuing, or pursued. Tell my 
political friends, I shall soon write to them, and 
that when I informed Dr Franklin of the pains 
I had taken to establish an extensive correspon- 
dence, he rejoiced at it much. Let their intel- 
ligence be as frequent, and as minute as possible. 
Let them all direct to Mr Brom field, or Mr 
Dilly. This is my third letter to you. Not 
a line yet from America. Salute all my friends 
with due respect. 



JOURNAL CONTINUED. 

" November 18th. This morning, J. Williams 
Esq , inspector of the customs in the Massachusetts 
Bay, waited upon me, and we had more than an 
hour's private conversation together. He inform- 
ed me, that Governor Hutchinson had repeatedly 
assured the ministry that a union of the colonies 
was utterly impracticable ; that the people were 
greatly divided among themselves, in every colony ; 
and that there could be no doubt, that all America 



232 

would submit, and that they must, and moreover 
would, soon. It is now not five minutes, since 
Mr Williams left me, and these I think were his 
very words ; he added, also, that Governor Hutch- 
inson had not only repeatedly told the ministry so, 
as several Lords had informed him, but that Gov- 
ernor Hutchinson had more than once said the 
same to persons in the ministry, in his presence. 
Mr Williams desired to wait on me to see Lord 
North and Lord Dartmouth, — but as it was not 
at their Lordships' desire he made the request, I 
declined going for the present. Mr Williams also 
presented the compliments of Corbin Morris Esq. 
(one of the commissioners of the customs, and a 
gentleman high in the sentiments of administration) 
with a request, that I would come and dine with 
him to-day ; but being engaged to dine out this, 
and several succeeding days, I was obliged to de- 
cline the invitation. 

*' Dined with Dr Franklin, in company with 
Dr Bancroft and Mr Williams. Dr Franklin 
confirmed the account given by Mr Williams rela- 
tive to Governor Hutchinson, so far as that several 
of the nobility, and ministry, had assured him of 
the same facts. 



233 

'* Went this evening to Covent Garden Thea- 
tre ; saw the ' Beggar's Opera,' with the farce of 
* Cross Purposes.' Shuter acted well the part of 
Peacham, and the actresses in several striking 
elegancies of gesture, voice, and action, convinced 
me that women equal men in the powers of elo- 
quence. I am still further satisfied in my opinion, 
that the stage is the nursery of vice, and dissemi- 
nates the seeds of it far and wide, with an amaz- 
ing and baneful success. * ' " 

" November 19th. Early this morning J. Wil- 
liams Esq. waited upon me with the compliments 
of Lord North, and his request to see me this 
morning. I went about half past nine o'clock, 
and found Sir George Savil (as Mr W^illiams in- 
formed me) in the levee room. After a short 
time his lordship sent for Mr Williams and my- 
self into his apartment. His reception was po- 
lite, and with a cheerful affability his Lordship 
soon inquired into the state, in which I had left 
American affairs. I gave him my sentiments up- 
on them, together with what I took to be the 
causes of most of our political evils ; — gross mis- 
representation and falsehood. His lordship repli- 
ed, he did not doubt tjicre had been much, but 
added, that very honest men frequently gave a 
30 



234 

wrong statement of matters through mistake, pre- 
judice, prepossessions, and biases, of one kind or 
other. I conceded the possibihty of this, but fur- 
ther added, that it a\ ould be iiappy, if none of 
those who had given accounts relative to America 
had varied from known truth, from worse motives. 
" We entered largely into the propriety and 
policy of the Boston Port Bill. In the conversa- 
tion upon this subject I received much pleasure. 
His lordship several times smiled, and once seem- 
ed touched. We spoke considerably upon the 
sentiments of Americans, of the right claimed by 
Parliament to tax, — of the destruction of the tea, — 
and the justice of payment for it. His lordship 
went largely and repeatedly into an exculpation of 
the ministry. He said they were obliged to do 
what they did ; that it was the most lenient measure 
that was proposed ; that if administration had not 
adopted it, they would have been called to an ac- 
count ; that the nation were highly incensed, &c. 
" Upon this topic I made many remarks with 
much freedom and explicitness, and should have 
said more, had not his lordship's propensity to 
converse been incompatible with my own loquac- 
ity. His lordship more than thrice spoke of the 
power of Great Britain, of their determination to 



235 

exert it to the utmost, in order to effect the siil)- 
mission of the Colonies. He said repeatedly, ' We 
must try Avhat we can do to support the authority 
we have claimed over America. If we are defec- 
tive in power, we must sit down contented, and 
make the best terms we can, and nobody tlwn can 
blame us, after we have done our utmost ; but till 
we have tried what we can do, we can never be 
justified in receding. We ought, and we shall be 
very careful not to judge a thing impossible, be- 
cause it may be difficult ; nay, we ought to try 
what we can effect, before we determine upon its 
impracticability.' This last sentiment, and very 
nearly in the same words, was often repeated, 
— I thought I knew for what purpose. 

*' His lordship spoke also upon the destruction 
of the Gaspee, and in direct terms twice said, 
that the commissioners were appointed to try that 
matter, and had transmitted accounts that they 
could obtain no evidence. This declaration being 
in flat contradiction to what I had several times 
heard Chief Justice Oliver declare to be the case 
from the bench, when giving his charges to the 
grand jury, was particularly noticed by me. His 
Honor ever most solemnly declared, in public 
and private, that the commission was to inquire 



236 

whether any such event had happened, in order 
to send word to England, that so a trial might, 
or might not be ordered, as the evidence might 
be ; and in the most express terms declared the 
commissioners had no power to try. 

" In the course of near two hours' conversation, 
many things more passed between us. As many 
letters and messages were delivered to his lord- 
ship while I was present, I several times rose to 
depart, telling his lordship I was afraid I should 
trespass on his patience, or the concerns of 
others ; but being requested to stay, I remained 
about two hours and then rose to go, but his 
lordship kept standing, while he continued his 
conversation with his usual spirit. Upon my 
departure he asked me when I should leave 
England. I told him it was uncertain, — but 
imagined not this twelvemonth. He hoped the 
air of the island would contribute to my health, 
and said he thought the most unhealthy months 
were past ; and then saying, ' I am much obliged 
to you for calling on me,' we left each other to 
our meditations. 

" Mr Williams the same morning presented the 
compliments of Mr Commissioner Morris, before 



237 

mentioned, and requested my dining with him on 
Tuesday next. 

" Traversed St James' Park, and then went to 
Islington to dine with Mr Bromfield, where I 
met three or four high, sensible whigs, whose 
conversation and politeness enlivened and gratified 
me. Mr Welsh, one of the company with whom 
I dined, desired me to be upon my guard against 
the temptations and bribery of administration. 
' If you are corruptible, sir,' added he, ' the min- 
istry will corrupt you.' This sentiment was con- 
firmed by all present. They further informed me, 
that as all the morning papers mentioned me by 
name, as the author of the ' Observations,' and 
as having arrived in town ; — several at the coffee- 
houses wondered how ' I dared to come.' 

" I am often told, that many rejoice that I am 
come over ; and have many evidences hourly 
given me, to induce me to think I have some, 
and reason to hope that in time I shall have more, 
friends. 

" It is whispered that orders are gone to Amer- 
ica to apprehend General Lee. But I do not 
believe it. 

" November 20th. Went to hear divine ser- 
vice at Westminster Abbey ; — cursorily viewed 



238 

that astonishing work, which I intend shortly to 
give more attention to. 

" Dined with Messrs Dilly in company with 
Dr Franklin, Mr Sheriff Lee, Dr Davis, and 
others ; with whom I spent the afternoon and 
evening. Mr Lee said he had long thought of, 
and would soon set on foot, a subscription for the 
Americans. I find every day more reason to 
think that multitudes of fervent friends to Amer- 
ica reside in this island. 

" November 21st. Went to Westminster Hall, 
and attended the Court of Chancery, King's 
Bench, and Common Pleas. 

*' Waited on Governor Pownall, and had two 
hours' conversation with him. Dined with Sher- 
iff Lee with several friends of liberty. 

" November 22d. Dined with Corbin Morris 
Esq., one of the commissioners of the customs 
(supposed framer of the annual ministerial budget, 
being a choice friend of the ministry), in company 
with one of the officers of the treasury, and J. 
Williams Esq. Mr Morris was sensible, intelli- 
gent, and very conversable. The whole conver- 
sation was on American affairs. He entered 
largely into the claims, the rights, and the duty 
of Parliament. He spoke as might be expected. 



239 

I observed a remarkable conformity of sentiment 
between him and Lord North ; and an equally 
observable similarity of language. Mr Morris 
expatiated largely upon the infinite resources of 
commerce, wealth, and power of the English 
nation. I heard him. 

*' The following address to me was not a little 
singular. 

" ' Mr Quincy, you area man' &c. (flummery.) 
' You have seen some of the ministry, and have 
heard more of the dispositions of administration. 
You find that they have no inclination to injure, 
much less to oppress the colonies. They have no 
wish but that of seeing the Americans free and 
happy. You must be sensible of the right of 
Parliament to legislate for the colonies, and of 
the power of the nation to enforce their laws. No 
power in Europe ever provoked the resentment, 
or bade defiance to the power of this island, but 
they were made to repent of it. You must know 
your countrymen must fail in a contest with this 
great and powerful people. Now as you find 
how inclined administration are to lenity and 
mildness, you should, you ought, to write to 
your friends this intelligence, and endeavour to 
influence them to their duty. I do not doubt 



240 

jour influence would be very great with them, 
and you would by this means be doing a lasting 
service to your country.' 

" November 23d. Dined witli Messrs Dilly, 
and a few friends of liberty, and spent the residue 
of the day in delivering letters. At night Mr 
Inspector Williams waited on me, with the 
compliments of Lord Dartmouth, and requested 
my waiting on him tomorrow at ten o'clock. 
Mr Williams gave me a curious account of a 
conversation with his lordship relative to my 
' Observations.' Received the compliments of 
Governor Pownall to breakfast with him. 

" November 24th. Waited upon Lord Dart- 
mouth, and had about an hour and a half conver- 
sation with him. I was convinced that the 
American and British controversy would be much 
sooner, and much more equitably settled, if it 
were not for the malevolent influence of a certain 
Northern personage now in Great Britain. 

" Lord Dartmouth being called out for a few 
minutes to attend the physicians of his lady, made 
his apology, and taking up a pamphlet that lay on 
his table said, ' I would entertain you with a 
pamphlet ("Observations on the Port Bill"), dur- 
ing my absence, but I fancy you have seen this. 



241 

I think you know the author of it.' His lordship 
bowed with a smile, which I returned, and he re- 
tired for a few minutes. * ****** 

" Was introduced by Dr Franklin and Dr 
Price, and spent part ot the afternoon and even- 
ing with the Royal Society. Spent the residue of 
the evening with a club of friends of liberty at 
the London coffee-house. Was there introduced, 
by Dr Franklin and Dr Price, to Mr Alderman 
Oliver, Mr Vaughan, eight or nine dissenting 
clergymen, and several other gentlemen. 

" I find the most sanguine hopes of good from 
the spirit of the Americans, and the most ardent 
wishes for their success. Dr Franklin acknowl- 
edged to me, that he was the author of ' The Way 
to make a great Empire a little one ;' — and ' The 
Edicts of the king of Prussia.' 

" November 25th. Received complimentary 
visits from Governor Pownall, Mr Wcntworth, 
and others. Went and viewed the inside of St 
Paul's. 

" November 2Gth. Breakfasted with Governor 
Pownall, and spent three hours with him in con- 
versation upon American affairs. Governor Pow- 
nall said to me, ' Mr Quincy, I do assure you, all 
the measures against America were planned and 
31 



242 

pushed on by Berntird and Hutchinson. They 
were incessant in their application to administra- 
tion, and gave the most positive assurances of 
success; and I do assure you, America has not a 
more determined, insidious, and inveterate enemy 
than Governor Hutchinson. He is now doing, 
and will continue to do, all he can against you.' 

" Dined with Mr Rogers (a banker), at New- 
ington Green, in company with many of the 
friends of liberty. 

" November 27th. Dined with Dr Franklin, 
and spent the evening with him and his friends. 

" Wrote a letter to Mrs. Quincy, and another 
to Josiah Quincy Esq. by the December packet. 



TO MRS. QUINCY. 

London, November 24, 1774. 
*' My very dear Friend, 

" Having written you many letters since my 
arrival in this island, as my bosom friend, I now 
address you as my political confidant. Finding it 
impossible to write to all my political friends, they 
must consider my letters to you as intended for 
them. 



243 

" Ever since my arrival here, I have been an 
object of much more attention and respect than I 
had any right to claim. However, these circum- 
stances have not flattered my vanity, because I 
know that it was not my merits that procured 
this distinction. 

" The principle I laid down to regulate my 
conduct, was to make no appearance in any noted 
coffee-houses, and no very conspicuous figure in 
any public place. The next rule I observed was, 
to wait upon no public characters, though ever so 
much solicited, till the compliment of a request to 
see me was first paid. 

" Lord North was the first who desired my at- 
tendance, Mr Commissioner Morris next requested 
my dining with him, and Lord Dartmouth, as soon 
as he arrived in town, appointed an hour for my 
attending him. With neither of these gentlemen 
had I less than two hours' conversation. 

" I long to communicate the substance of these 
interviews, but I have not time to transcribe it 
from my Journal. Indeed I have not an hour's 
time to myself : — the friends of liberty, and the 
friends of the ministry, engross my whole time. 
I am in a delicate situation. I have a very diffi- 
cult task. Each party makes great professions of 



244 

friendship ; witli what views or sincerity you may 
conjecture. Governor Pownall has detained me 
several hours in conversation on American affairs, 
and is now writing on that subject, Dr Franklin 
and Mr Sheriff Lee, with very many others, ap- 
pear my stanch friends. With these I spend, 
and shall spend, almost every day, considerable 
portions of time. 

" Critical as my situation is, yet (save the con- 
cern [ feel for my country) I have high pleasure. 
My health is good beyond example, and my 
spirits are truly American. In all companies I 
have endeavoured to give a true state of the affairs 
of the continent, and the genuine sentiments of 
its inhabitants. I find many things I advance are 
said to be new, — but I have openly and repeatedly 
declared (even to the characters before mentioned) 
my willingness to meet, and controvert, face to 
face, any who dispute the justice of my opinions, 
or the truth of what I relate. Whether it be 
a good or ill omen, my friends may judge ; but 
certain it is, that all (even the highest) with 
whom I have conversed, declare, they have no 
doubt but that my coming over will be of great 
service to both countries. To a great officer of 
state who expressed this sentiment, my reply was 



245 

' There is a certain injluence which will counter- 
act all I can possibly do.' I was understood not 
to mean a British influence, and the reply was, — 
* Perhaps not.' 

" America hath none to fear so much as her 
own children. Some of these are inveterate and 
persevering beyond example or conception. See- 
ing I have not time to gi\e you a regular detail 
of all I have heard and seen, you will probably 
inquire — What is the substance of what you col- 
lect ? What is your own private opinion ? To 
gratify my friends on these heads was the cause 
of my snatching this hasty moment, and transmit- 
ting my opinion. 

" The minds of people are strangely altered in 
this island : — the many are now as prone to 
justify and applaud the Americans, as, but a little 
while ago, they were ready to condemn and 
punish. I have conversed with almost all ranks 
of people for these fifteen days past, and having 
been in very large circles of the sensible part of 
the community during that time, my opportunity 
for information was the more fortunate. I came 
among a people, I was told, that breathed nothing 
but punishment and destruction against Boston, 
and all America. I found a people, many of whom 



246 

revere, love, and heartily wish well to us. Now 
is it strange that it should be so ? for abstracted 
from the pleasure that a good mind takes in see- 
ing truth and justice prevail — it is the interest, the 
highest private interest of this whole nation, to be 
our fast friends : — and strange as it may seem 
when you consider the conduct of tlie nation as 
represented in Parliament, the people know it. 
The following language has been reiterated to 
me in various companies, with approbation and 
warmth. 

" ' We are afraid of nothing but your division, 
and your want of perseverance. Unite and per- 
severe. You must prevail, — you must triumph.' 

" This and similar language hath been held to 
me with a zeal that bespoke it came from the 
heart, — with a frequency that proved such senti- 
ments dwelt upon the mind. I could name you 
the first characters for understanding, integrity, 
and spirit, who have held such language ; — but it 
would be improper to name those who might 
perhaps be discovered through the indiscretion 
of American friends, or the prying villany of 
public conspirators. Bowdoin, Winthrop, Chaun- 
cy. Cooper, Warren, &:c., can recollect whom 
they introduced me to, and thence conjecture a 



247 

few of those, whose British hearts are thus in 
America. 

" Great is the anxiety here, hest the congress 
should petition or remonstrate. In the arts of 
negotiation, jour adversaries are infinitely your 
superiors. If that mode of proceeding is adopted 
by the congress, many, very many friends will 
sink, — they will desert your cause from despond- 
ency. At present (as I am assured and as I verily 
believe), could the voices of this nation be collect- 
ed by any fair method, twenty to one would be 
in favour of the Americans. You wonder and 
say, ' Then whence is it that they do not exert 
themselves ? ' One American phrase will give 
you the true reason. The people are * cowed' 
by oppression. It is amazing, — it is incredible 
how much this is the case. Corruption, baseness, 
fraud, exorbitant oppression never so abounded as 
in this island. And will you believe me when 1 
say, that Englishmen, — that boasted race of free- 
men, — are sunk in abject submission. 

" From Parliament, therefore, expect no fa- 
vour, but what proceeds from fear, — from the 
people here, expect no aid. It is yourselves, it is 
yourselves must save you ; and you are equal to 
the task. Your friends know this, and your very 



248 

enemies acknowledge it. But they believe you 
are as corrupt and as corruptible as themselves ; 
and as destitute of union, spirit, and perseverance, 
as the friends of freedom are in this country. For 
your country's sake, depend not upon commercial 
plans alone for your safety. The manufacturers 
begin to feel, — they know, they acknowledge, 
they must feel severely ; and if you persevere, 
they must be ruined. But what are these men, — 
what are the body of this people ? The servants 
of their masters. How easy it is for the ministry 
to frown or flatter them into silence. How 
easy to take the spoils of the nation, and, for a 
season, fill the mouths of the clamorous. It is 
true, your perseverance will occasion, in time, that 
hunger which will break through stone walls. 
But how difficult is it, how impracticable is it, 
for mere commercial virtue (if indeed it have any 
existence) to persevere. I repeat, therefore, — 
depend not upon this scheme for your deliverance. 
I do not say renounce it, — I say continue it ; but 
look towards it in vast subordination to those 
noble, generous, and glorious exertions which 
alone can save you. Before I came among this 
people, the friends of liberty desponded ; because 
they believed the Americans would give up. 



249 

They saw the irretrievable ruin of the whole 
cause, lost in that fatal yielding. I feel no des- 
pondence myself, — I am sanguine my country 
must prevail. I feel the ardour of an American ; 
— I have lighted up the countenances of many » 
— I am speaking conviction every day to more. 
In short, I am infected with an enthusiasm which 
I know to be contagious. Whether I have caught 
or spread the infection here, is no matter need- 
ful to determine. 

" November 21th. 

" Since writing the above I have spent three 
hours in private conversation with Governor 
Pownall. He confirmed me that the people of 
Boston are not mistaken in the man whom they 
have most reason to curse of all others. I have 
his very words down in my journal, but they are 
too many here to transcribe. 

" Tomorrow I am to see Lord Chatham. In 
the afternocm I am to dine with Lady Hunting- 
don. On Tuesday I am to go to the House of 
Lords, at the opening of Parliament, and on the 
same day shall converse with Sir George Saville. 
My whole time is dedicated to the common cause. 
My heart and soul are engaged in it. 
32 



250 

'" Be careful what parts of this letter you pub- 
lish ; without absolute necessity, do not publish 
any. Dr Franklin and others complain much 
of their letters being made public. It is a fear of 
that, that prevents him and many more from 
writing to you. 

" Dr Franklin is an American in heart and soul. 
You may trust him ; — his ideas are not contracted 
within the narrow limits of exemption from taxes, 
but are extended upon the broad scale of total 
emancipation. He is explicit and bold upon the 
subject, and his hopes are as sanguine as my 
own, of the triumph of liberty in America. It 
would entertain you, if I could spare time to relate 
all that is said of me and my designs ; but I have 
no leisure for amusements of this kind. 

Not a line yet from America ; — ^judge of my 
impatience to hear of your welfare. Collect all 
the intelligence possible, and transmit accounts 
by every conveyance. This is my sixth letter. 
My last went enclosed to Mr Mason ; — this I 
shall convey to Mr Benjamin Clarke, but without 
signature. Don't forget to pay the postage to 
him. I have not time to correct or peruse this 
letter. Adieu ! The support and blessing of 
heaven be with you, and 

" Your assured friend. 



251 

" P. S. You are desired to let no part of this 
letter be printed, but what Mr Phillips shall ad- 
vise to. You may communicate a sight of it to 
all candid friends, and if it should fortunately 
happen that a whole circle should be present, 
desire them to let one of the company sit down, 
and in their presence give me their joint senti- 
ments and counsels. 

" I yesterday heard two eminent bankers and 
three very wealthy merchants say, — that as soon 
as America shall free herself from the tyranny of 
this country, they would take their all and remove 
to New England ; and they affirmed that they 
knew many more resolved to do the same. 

"In the last ships there sailed for Pennsylvania, 
under the auspices of the great Dr Franklin, two 
very wealthy farmers, from the county of Norfolk, 
with their families to settle. If these should 
succeed, hundreds will follow from that fertile 
county, which contains the best husbandmen 
on the island." ^> , ,! c^ ' • 



JOURNAL CONTINUED. 

*' November 28, 1774. Went to Westminster 
Hall and heard Lord Chief Justice IMansfield 



252 

deliver the opinion of the court, in Campbell's 
case of the 4-^ per cent. duty. He was perspicu- 
ous and eloquent. Dined with Mr Keen, and 
spent the afternoon and evening with Lady Hunt- 
ingdon. 

" November 29th. Went to the House of 
Peers, saw the grand procession of the king, his re- 
ception of the new house of commons, in his robes 
and diadem, surrounded with his nobles and great 
officers. I was not avi^e-struck by the pomp. 
' The trappings of a monarchy will set up a com- 
monwealth,' (John Milton, Robert Howard.) 

" Went to Drury Lane Theatre ; saw Garrick 
in the 'Beaux' Stratagem.' He is a most sur- 
prising actor. 

"November 30th. Went to the House of 
Peers ; got to the foot of the throne, and saw the 
formality of presenting a new speaker by the Com- 
mons. Heard the king deliver his speech from the 
throne. Heard the Bishop of Litchfield and Cov 
entry read prayers, as most bishops do — * * * 
Spent the afternoon and evening with Mr Pearson 
and his friends. 

" December 1st. Dined with Mr Rogers of 
the treasury, in company with a commissioner of 
the treasury, two members of Parliament, and 



253 

others. Went at six o'clock with Dr Franklin tov 
the seat of Samuel Vaughan Esq. at Wanstead, 
where we spent our time very happily till Satur- 
day night. 

" December 4th'. Dined with Sheriff Lee, 
and Mr Arthur Lee. aju j^.^r^ 

" December 5th. Breakfasted with Sir George ' 
Saville, in company with Mr Hartley, a member > 
of Parliament, and had two hours' conversation' 
on American affairs. Dined with Colonel Boyd 
at the Edinburgh coffee-house. 

" The exertion of my lungs for a number of 
days past has brought on my raising of blood 
again. 

"December 6th. About 10 this mornino; Mr> 
Commissioner Morris waited on me, and staid 
an hour and a half. His conversation was much 
on the propriety of my laying down some line 
of conduct to which the colonics would accede, 
and by which the present controversy might be 
amicably adjusted. He urged much my waiting 
again upon Lord North and Lord Dartmouth, and 
insisted upon the propriety and expediency of this 
step. I thought I could discern the origin and drift 
of this curious discourse. He also in the course, 
of conversation said, ' Mr Quincy, you can have no 



254 

idea of the taxes of this kingdom, and the distress 
of our poor. I do not mean our manufacturers, 
but our hedgers, ditchers, and threshers. They 
have not now their twelve pence, ten pence, or 
eight pence a day, but they are glad to get six 
pence a day for their labour, and may be once 
a week they may have a little kind of something 
given them by way of charity, for dinner. They 
are extremely poor, and wretched indeed ; every 
thins; here is taxed to the utmost. The colonies 
must relieve us. They must ease us of our taxes,' 
&c. &c. He also affirmed to me that Governors 
Hutchinson and Bernard were principally attend- 
ed to, in the late measures against the colonies. 
But he added, that government had found that 
many things had turned out different from Mr 
Hutchinson's representation, and that things had 
not been at all conformable to what he foretold. 
" December 7th. Mr Inspector Williams called 
on me this morning, and again renewed to me his 
assurances that Governor Hutchinson was the 
sole cause and presser-on of the measures against 
Boston and all America. ' It is his advice that 
dictated the steps of administration, and it is his 
present opinion and assurances that keep up the 



255 

spirits and measures of the ministry,' were his 
very words. 

" Wrote a long political letter to Mrs Quincy." 



^^ London, December 1, 1774. 
" My very dear Friend, 

" There never was a time in which I wished 
more ' to speak without a tongue,' and ' to be 
heard without ears:' then, as Shakspeare express- 
es it, ' in despite of broad-eyed, watchful day,' 
*I would into thy bosom pour my thoughts.' 
This kingdom never saw a time in which the 
minds of all ranks were more upon the rack with 
expectation ; and when I tell you that yesterday 
in the coffee-room adjoining the House of Com- 
mons, one of the ministerial members offered to 
lay a wager of seventy-five guineas to twenty- 
five, THAT BOSTON WAS NOW IN ASHES, yOU will 

not think my own bosom free from anxiety ! It is 
now more than two months since any advices have 
been received from America, of the state of things 
in your province. The subalterns of the minis- 
try give out that the most peremptory orders went 
to General Gage last October, to proceed to ex- 
tremities, with vigour ; they therefore vapour with 



256 

much vaunting upon the expectation of hearing, 
in a few days, that you are all subdued, and in 
deep humiliation. Should the reverse of this 
prove true, as God grant it may ! your enemies 
will sink, and sink forever. Let me here tell you 
a great truth. The people of this country have 
too generally got an idea that Americans are all 
cowards and poltrons. This sentiment is propa- 
gated and diffused with great industry and suc- 
cess. 

"Now it is agreed on all hands, that your 
courage — your courage, I repeat it — will be 
brought to the test. Should it prove answerable 
to your ostentations, — worthy your ancestors, 
your friends will amazingly increase. Your hearty 
friends will be in raptures, and your very ene- 
mies will applaud you. I could easily explain to 
you the reason of all this, but 1 must leave you 
to consider of that yourselves. Read the para- 
graph again, and make your own reflections. 

*' Will you believe me, when I tell you, that 
your letting a certain character escape from your 
justice is imputed to you on all hands as a fault. 
Your enemies impute it to your cowardice ; your 
friends to your want of political sagacity. Certain 
it is, that from one man, — from one man, I say, 



257 

and he neither a Bute, a Mansfield, a North, 
or a Bernard, are all your miseries supposed to 
flow. This supposition is not made by those 
alone who are sanguine in your common cause ; 
it is the general sentiment of all parties, and were 
I to show you my journal, in which I enter the 
sentiments and expressions of those with whom 
from time to time I converse, you would find un- 
expected characters, intimating, or speaking out, 
the same idea. ' It was his advice that dictated the 
steps of administration, and it is his present opin- 
ion and assurances, that keep up the spirits and 
measures of the ministry,' — were the very words 
uttered to me, not twenty minutes ago, by a gen- 
tleman in office in the customs. I should take a 
satisfaction in naming to you those who are my 
informants ; but a fear lest your indiscretion in 
publishing what I write, should discover the author 
of your intelligence, denies me that indulgence. 
Remember, in whatever you pul)lish, to beware 
you do not print any thing that may betray the 
writer. Not that I am conscious of any wrong, 
but I am here surrounded by great villains, who 
have will and power to injure, but want a pretext. 
" Apropos, — this leads me to speak of your 
friend, Mr Quincy, who lately arrived in this city. 
33 



258 

hi the House of Lords, last week, when the ad- 
dress to the king was in debate. Lord Hillsborough 
said, that ' there were then me7i walking in the 
streets of London, who ought to be in Newgate, 
or at Tyburn.' Upon which the Duke of Rich- 
mond rose and said, that ' he was surprised that 
his Lordship should cast such a heavy reflection 
on his Majesty's ministers, by suggesting a 
matter, which, if true, proved they were guilty of 
a gross neglect of duty,' and called upon his 
Lordship for aii explanation of whom, and what, 
he meant. Upon which Lord Hillsborough rose, 
and pointed out, though not by name, yet so as 
every body knew whom he meant, — Dr Franklin 
and Mr Quincy. The latter gentleman he men- 
tioned as author of a late publication, called 
' Observations on the Boston Port Bill and 
Standing Armies.' 

" The character of your Mr Samuel Adams 
runs very high here. I find many who consider 
him the first politician in the world. I have 
found more reason every day to convince me 
that he has been right, when others supposed 
him wrong. 

" But why should we spend time in looking 
l)ack. Look forward ! God grant you penetra- 



259 

tion that jou may see the great duties which lie 
before you. May you have fortitude to suffer, — 
courage to encounter, — activity and perseverance 
to press forward. 

" Prepare, prepare, I say, for the ivorst. I 
fear your delays have been your ruin. I know 
that your energies may already, or in future, 
bring upon you many and great calamities ; but I 
am, from my own observation, and the judgment 
of very many others, most sure, that your for- 
bearance, your delays, your indecision, — in short, 
what your enemies call your ' arrant cowardice ' 
— halh brought or will bring upon you many 
more, and greater evils. 

'• These are important truths. Weigh, com- 
mune, consider, and act, as becomes your former 
professions, and your highest duty. 

" You see my heart gets the better of my head ; 
my feelings rise paramount to my discretion. 
Thus it will always be with those who are warm 
in the cause of their country, — their zeal banishes 
caution ; — you see however I still retain some 
discretion, but even that I had rather lose than be 
* unpregnant of my cause, or lack gall to make 
oppression bitter.' God knows whether this let- 
ter will ever reach you ; were I sure it would, I 
should write a volume. 



260 

" I have lately written largely to you on political 
matters. Tell me what my enemies write of 
me from this side the water ; write me what my 
friends think of me on your side the ocean. 

" My whole time is taken up in my duty. I 
never was more busy. I never was more talk- 
ative. I wrote you fully relative to my health in 
former letters ; — I have as yet had no symptom of 
taking cold since I have been in London, but in- 
cessant application, — incessant talking with several 
members of Parliament, and others, these four 
days past, has brought on a little fever, and some 
raising of blood. But otherwise I was never bet- 
ter in my life, — certaiidy I never was in better 
spirits. Do not be concerned about this circum- 
stance. I would not have mentioned it but in 
fidelity to one, from whom I cannot conceal any 
thing which concerns my welfare. 

'• I am urged by Dr Franklin to go down with 
him and spend Christmas with the Bishop of St 
Asaph. I have not yet given my answer. On 
Friday I expect to see Lord Shelburne, and have 
very lately conversed several hours with Sir George 
Saville. 

" You must know that many of your friends 
here in both houses Will not take a decisive part, 



261 

till they see how you act in America. For should 
they take a determined part now, in favour of that 
country, and in a short time America should give 
hack, their hopes of rise into power and office 
(which is the hope of all British statesmen) would 
be forever at an end. Therefore, till the colonists 
discover that union and spirit, which all parties 
here agree must force success, you are not to 
expect any great exertions in your favour. But 
when once there is a conviction that the Ameri- 
cans are in earnest, — that they are resolved to 
endure all hazards with a spirit worthy the prize 
for which they contend, then, and not till then, 
will you have many firm, active, persevering, and 
powerful friends, in both houses of Parliament. 
For, let me again tell you, that strange as it may 
seem, there is great doubt here among many, 
whether you are really in earnest, in the full force 
and extent of those words. I am called out. Peace 
be with you. Salute my friends, and remember, 
in ancient love, 

" Your most affectionate and fast friend.* 



* This letter, in which Mr Quincy speaks of himself, as 
of another person, like many others written to his wife 



262 

" London^ December 7, 1774. 
" My dear Wife, 

" You will form a poor idea of my feelings 
for you, and for my country, if you do not con- 
sider that I have had no tidings of you since I 
sailed. Not only my breast, but the breasts of 
ministers and kings, — nations and empires, are 
big with expectations of American events. That 
' tide ' but I forbear. 

" I this day wrote you very largely, and prior 
to that again very full. These letters were sign- 
ed with a new political signature. The chief de- 
sign of my now writing is to let you know this, 
by sending the present letter by some other ship. 
I would have transcribed my letters, but have not 
time to write duplicates, and I have yet found 
nobody whom I dare trust to copy for me. 

'' My whole heart is with you ; my whole time 
is employed in endeavouring to serve my country. 
It is now three weeks since I came to this city ; 
yet I have never dedicated but two evenings to 
the entertainments of the town ; and although 

from England, was with an assumed signature ; in conse- 
quence of the danger, to which correspondence with Boston 
was at that period exposed. 



263 

Garrick has acted four nights, I have seen him but 
once. You will wonder how I spend my nights 
and days in serving my country ; but in one word 
I find every body eager to hear, most people 
willing to be set aright, and almost all grossly 
ignorant of the American world. I have been 
taught to believe that I have spoken convic- 
tion to many sensible minds. My friends are 
many, my spirits excellent, and my health as I 
mentioned in my last. Make it your business to 
inquire out the December packet, and do not rest 
till you get the letters I sent by it. 

" Believe me, I know not when to leave writing, 
and were I sure of a safe conveyance, I should 
write a volume. My heart feels for you all very 
exquisitely when I think of you, which is eighteen 
hours out of the twenty-four. 

" Adieu, my best friend. 

" Give me the earliest intelligence of the dates 
of those letters which you receive." 



JOURNAL CONTINUED. 



" December 8th. Spent the day and night at 
Mr Thornton's elegant seat at Clapham. 



264 

" December 9th. Returned from Mr Thorn- 
ton's, dined at home, and spent the afternoon 
and evening with Dr Franklin alone. 

'' December lOth. Dined with Mr Allyne, an 
eminent counsellor at law, and spent the evening 
with him, Dr Franklin, Messrs Lees, Galloway (a 
member of Parliament), and others. 

" December 11th. Spent the day and evening 
at books. 

" December 12th. At the desire of Lord Shel- 
burne (transmitted by Dr Price) I waited on his 
Lordship, and spent two hours in conversation on 
American affairs. His Lordship appeared a very 
warm friend to the Americans, approved much of 
their conduct and spirit, and said if they continued 
united they must have all they ask. He said the 
ministry would not be able to carry on a civil war 
against America ; that they began to hesitate and 
would be obliged to give way. 

*' His Lordship confirmed my former intelligence 
of Governor Hutchinson's assiduity, assurance, 
and influence, but in the end observed that the 
eyes of the nation and ministry must soon be open- 
ed. He particularly said that Lord Mansfield, last 
session, assured the House of Lords, that the plan 
they had laid would go down in America, sine 



265 

clade ; and affirmed that he had the best intelli- 
gence what might be carried through there. Lord 
Shelburne intimated that he had no doubt Lord 
Mansfield's opinion was grounded on Governor 
Hutchinson's information. I had before had a 
very similar account of Lord Mansfield's declar- 
ations in the House, from Mr Counsellor AUyne 
and Mr Arthur Lee. 

" Went to Drury Lane theatre, and saw Gar- 
rick in Hamlet. He is certainly the prince of 
players ; but also, most certainly, not without his 
faults as an orator. Received letters from W. 
Phillips Esq., and Mrs Quincy. 

"December I3th. Dined with Mr Hollis, 
brother to the late benefactor of Harvard College, 
with a large circle of friends to liberty, and spent 
the evening with Dr Franklin. 

" 14th. Wrote to Mrs Quincy. 



" London, December 14, 1774. 

" My dear Friend, 

" I have lately written to you, by the packet, 

two very long letters, and, by some other ships, 

three or four more, upon politics. I therefore shall 
34 



266 

not now resume the subject, any farther than to 
say, — Be true to yourselves. 

" There is not a sensible man of either party 
here, but acknowk^dges your ability to save your 
country, if you have but union, courage, and per- 
severance. But your enemies pretend to be san- 
guine, that your avarice of commercial riches will 
dissolve your union and mutual confidence, that 
your boasted courage is but vapour, and that your 
perseverance will be as the morning cloud. 

" Let me tell you one very serious truth, in 
which we are all agreed, your countrymeti must 
seal their cause with their blood. You know how 
often, and how long ago I said this. I see every 
day more and more reason to confirm my opinion. 
I every day find characters dignified by science, 
rank, and station, of the same sentiment. Lord 

said to me yesterday, — ' It is idle, it is 

idle, Mr ; this country will never carry on 

a civil war against America, we cannot, but the 
ministry hope to carry all by a single stroke.' 
I should be glad to name the Lord, but think it not 
best. Surely my countrymen will recollect the 
words I held to them this time twelvemonth. ' It 
is not, Mr Moderator, the spirit that vapours with- 
in these walls that must stand us in stead. The 



267 

exertions of this day will call forth events which 
will make a very different spirit necessary for our 
salvation. Look to the end. Whoever supposes 
that shouts and hosannas will terminate the trials 
of the day, entertains a childish fancy. We must 
be grossly ignorant of the importance and value of 
the prize for which we contend ; — we must be 
equally ignorant of the powers of those who have 
combined against us ; — we must be blind to that 
malice, inveteracy, and insatiable revenge, which 
actuate our enemies, public and private, abroad and 
in our bosom, to hope we shall end this contro- 
versy without the sharpest — the sharpest conflicts ; 
to flatter ourselves that popular resolves, popular 
harangues, popular acclamations, and popular 
vapour, will vanquish our foes. Let us consider 
the issue. Let us look to the end. Let us weigh 
and consider, before we advance to those measures 
which must bring on the most trying and terrible 
struggle, this country ever saw.' 

" Hundreds, I believe, will call these words, 
and many more of the same import, to remem- 
brance. Hundreds, who heretofore doubted, are 
long ere this convinced I w^as right. The popu- 
lar sentiments of the day prevailed ; they advanced 
with * resolutions ' to hazard and abide the conse- 



268 

quences. They must now stand the issue, — they 
must preserve a consistency of character, — they 

MUST NOT DELAY, — they must 

or be trodden into the vilest vassalage, the scorn, 
the spurn of their enemies, a by-word of infamy 
among all men. 

" In the sight of God, and all just men, the 
cause is good ; — we have the wishes of the wise and 
humane, we have the prayers of the pious, and 
the universal benison of all who seek to God for 
direction, aid, and blessing. I own I feel for the 
miseries of my country ; I own I feel much de- 
sire for the happiness of my brethren in trouble ; 
but why should I disguise, I feel, ineffably, for the 
honour, — the honour, I repeat it, — the honour of 
my country. Need I explain myself farther ? 
When you shall act agreeably to your past osten- 
tations, when you have shown that you are, what 
Englishmen once were, — whether successful or not, 
your foes will diminish, your friends amazingly in- 
crease, and you will be happy in the peaceful en- 
joyment of your inheritance ; or at least, your 
enemies will, in some measure, stay their intempe- 
rate fury from a reverence of your virtue, and a 
fear of reanimating your courage. But if in the 
trial, you prove, as your enemies say, arrant pol- 



269 

trons and cowards, how ineffably contemptible 
will you appear ; how wantonly and superlatively 
will you be abused and insulted by your triumph- 
ing oppressors ! 

" Will you believe it ? I took up my pen with 
a design only of saying that the mail for the 
December packet was staid from Wednesday 
to Saturday, for no apparent reason, because 
Parliament had not the affairs of America under 
consideration ; therefore it is generally believed that 
it was to inspect all letters. If so, two of mine 
are in the hands of the ministry. I have received 
your letter of the 1 7th of October, and your father's 
of the same date. Lord North has, I hear, given 
out that I have my price. Tell my father that Dr 
Franklin is my great friend and daily companion. 

" Adieu." 



JOURNAL CONTINUED. 

" December 14th. Spent the evening with 
Mr Sayre, in company with Dr Franklin and 
others. In the course of conversation Dr Frank- 
lin said, that more than sixteen years ago, long 
before any dispute with America, the present 
Lord Camden, then Mr Pratt, said to him, ' For 



1270 

all what jou Americans say of jour loyalty, and 
all that, I know you will one day throw off your 
dependence on tliis country ; and notwithstanding 
your boasted affection for it, you will set up for 
independence.' Dr Franklin said, that he assured 
him no such idea was entertained by the Ameri- 
cans, nor will any such ever enter their heads, 
unless you grossly abuse them. ' Very true,' re- 
plied Mr Pratt, ' that is one of the main causes I 
see will happen, and will produce the event.' 

" December 15th. Breakfasted with Sir George 
Saville, and spent three hours with him, and two 
other members of Parliament. 

" Dined with Mr Towgood, with a large circle 
of warm friends to America. 

" December 16th. Attended the House of 
Commons, and heard a debate on American affairs. 
Heard Lord North explain what he meant, when 
he said, 'he would have America at his feet.' 
Heard also Lord Clare, Governor Johnson, Mr 
Rigby, Charles Fox, Mr Hartley, Mr Cruger (his 
first essay), and others, in the course of the debate. 

" Supped, at the request of Alderman Oliver, 
with Mr Rose Fuller,* and several members of 

* Mr Rose Fuller. — See Burke's speech on '' Conciliation 
with America," page 3. 



271 

Parliament, at the King's Arms tavern, where I 
spent the evening in conversation on political sub- 
jects, affecting the colonies. 

"N. B. Mr Rose Fuller told me his late 
election cost him ten thousand pounds sterling, and 
more ! 

" Wrote a letter to Mrs Quincy. 



''^London, December 16, 1774. 
*' My very dear Friend, 

" Permit me to congratulate my countrymen 
on the integrity and wisdom with which the con- 
gress have conducted. Their policy, spirit, and 
union have confounded their foes, and inspired 
their friends. All parties agree in giving them a 
tribute of honor and applause. I have this mo- 
ment attended a desultory, despicable, because 
trifling, debate, in the House of Commons, relative 
to America. My Lord North apologized for, and 
endeavoured to explain away, his expression, * I 
will have America at my feet.' The important 
questions relative to America will not be agitated 
till after the holidays are over. There is great 
talk, and much hope and fear about you, and your 
friends seem to intend pressing a suspension for 



272 

three years, of all acts made since 1764 relative to 
the colonies. Your stanch friends say, ' If they 
are unjust, repeal them ; we then shall treat with 
you as friends. At all hai'ards recall your troops, 
for we will not treat with the sword at our breast.' 
" Be the event as it may, continue true to your- 
selves, and the day is your own. If they only 
suspend — do not, for heaven's sake, think of relax- 
ing your agreements, while you are treating. Be- 
ware of the arts of negotiation ; the ministry are 
adepts in them ; at least they are skilled in the 
science of corruption. By the way, there is no 
doubt but the ministry sent large sums to New 
lork, in order to bribe the continental delegates. 
It wa^ openly avowed and vindicated, and great 
boast was made of ministerial success. It was 
said that they had effected a disunion which 
would be fatal to the cause of all America. You 
cannot well imagine the chagrin with which the 
ministry received the result of that glorious body. 
They are viewed as the northern constellation of 
glorious worthies, illuminating and warming the 
new world. I feel a pride in being an American. 
Neither my affection nor zeal, in any degree, abates 
in the cause of my injured country. I have just 
supped, and spent the evening with a circle of 



273 

about a dozen influential members of the House of 
Commons. But whether I see them in the house, 
or out of it, they appear ****** 
not fit to represent the inliabitants of North 
America. 

" I should be glad to be informed, whether, in 
case a suspension of the acts takes place, my 
friends would choose my continuance on this side 
the water. If they choose me to be with them, I 
will repair to my standard, w hen they shall com- 
mand. 

" The watchmen remind me that it is morning. 

********* 

" Yours. 

" Dr Price desires his very v. arm thanks to Dr 
Winthrop for his letter, which has been read in 
Parliament, and did much good. Dr Winthrop's 
name was concealed. Dr Price says, Dr Chauncy 
is in his debt. Few, if any, are better men than 
Dr Price." 



JOURNAL CONTINUED. 

*' December 17th. Wrote to Mr McDougall at 
New York. Inclosed to him my two last letters. 
Received Mr Reed's letter from Philadelphia. 
35 



274 

Spent the morning and afternoon in writing : and 
the evening with Dr Franklin, Arthur Lee, and 
Dr Bancroft. Wrote a very long letter to Joseph 
Reed Esq. 

" December 18th. Spent the Sabbath at 
Islington, with Mr Bromfiekl. 

" December 19th. Wrote a letter to Mrs 
Quincy and enclosed tiie rough draft of my letter 
to Joseph Reed Esq. of Philadelphia. 



TO JOSPEH REED ESQ. PHILADELPHIA. 

" London, December ] 7, 1774. 
" Respected and dear Sir, 

" Your favour of the 4th of November came 
to hand this moment, and to show my sense of 
the obligation without any delay, I transmit an 
answer with my thanks. 

" The importance of a great cause, and the 
rising events of every day, demand a mutual and 
unremitting intercourse of intelligence, sentiments, 
and counsels, among the friends of America and 
mankind. Believe me, sir, there is a very culpa- 
ble negligence in this regard on both sides the 
water ; and I know of no excuse but what betrays 
a want of zeal, and a timidity, unworthy of men 
engaged in so glorious a contest. 



275 

*' The information you give relative to the New 
York deputies was the least we expected. The 
ministry, it is confidently said, and universally be- 
lieved, had heenlavish of monies in that quarter 
to foment discord. Nay, their setters and tools 
have made great vaunts of unexampled success 
with the great men of that city. Our coffee- 
houses were lately filled with scoffs at American 
virtue, and they boasted of success in creating a 
fatal disunion in our great sanhedrim, with a con- 
fidence that gained much credit. Did you but 
know the chagrin that took place on the arrival of 
the result of the congress, it would gratify your 
keenest sensations. Be assured that august body 
have done a lasting service to their country, and 
that they are paid the well earned tribute of hon- 
our and applause, even by their rankest enemies. 
They are considered as a constellation of the 
first worthies of our hemisphere : their influence 
is not confined to the circle of an American world, 
but they burn with a splendour, that illuminates 
and warms the continent of Europe. God grant, 
that many sucli glorious luminaries may shine in 
everlasting splendour, the honour and blessing of 
their country, and of mankind ! 



276 

" Did the inhabitants of New York, and es- 
pecially their delegates, know of what easy virtue 
they have been rej)resented in this city, they 
would become patriots from indignation, if not 
from virtue. 

" What greater blast could be thrown on the 
reputation, than to suggest that a little gold had 
made Americans sacrifice their country to the 
worst men, in the worst of times ? But when 
you hear this suggestion extended to the elevated 
character of men appointed guardians of the 
people, — good God ! how hateful the idea ! 

" Did our worthy brethren of New York know 
all that is daily said of them in this great world, 
and the confidence with which the tale is told, 
they would be singularly touched ; they would 
be careful to have all party spirit cease, and let 
their conduct give the lie to their defamers. 
Sure I am, that the ministry have no where such 
sanguine hopes of a defection as from that quar- 
ter ; — their influence is no where so forcibly ex- 
tended, and it is certain they will be astonishingly 
disappointed if they do not find a sensibility to 
their touch. Our brethren of New York have an 
opportunity to display more virtue, and do more 
real service to the great cause of liberty, than 



277 

perhaps any Americans, on that side of New 
England. But New England in my opinion is 
the great field for the first and most heroic 
virtues. Should administration be disappointed 
in exciting discord and defection in New York, 
they will sink with shame and despondency. 

" There was last Friday, a little play in the 
House upon American subjects. I attended to 
see the actors, and was confirmed in nothing 
more, than that English players are no represent- 
atives of American heroes. However, this might 
be only the rehearsal, and at the exhibition soon 
after the holy-days, the actors may display their 
talents to more advantage. But brilliant as im- 
agination can figure the splendid actors on this 
august theatre, I shall not substantially alter my 
opinion of the heroes of the drama. 

" The ministry had never so difficult a task 
before, — they are plunged. The emotions of 
chagrin and resentment most conspicuously mark 
their countenance and conduct. The nation are 
viewing the present crisis, with equal anxiety as 
the Americans. All Europe have their eyes fixed 
on the important conflict. 

" How elevated then must be the feelings of 
an American, who sees his countrymen distinguish 



278 

themselves as wise and virtuous, calm and 
brave ; rising in the estimation of all mankind, as 
the illustrious remnant of the sons of freedom. 
You see, my worthy friend, that the glitter of a 
court hath not yet fascinated me with its splen- 
dour, — nor the corruption of Britain made me an 
apostate from the cause of my country. 

" The pageantry I see here makes me every 
day more attached to the simplicity of my native 
soil ; and while 1 hourly survey the extended 
miseries of enormous wealth and power, I warm 
with more enthusiastic fervour in the cause of 
freedom and my country ; — and in what cause 
ought the pulse of man to beat with a more full 
and genial current ? If intemperance is at any 
time a venial fault, it must be when mighty op- 
pressors, shielded with the forms of law, and 
defended by the arm of power, spread misery 
over a happy land, with wantonness and insult. 
But I desist from the contemplation of this hate- 
ful subject, lest the contagion of intemperance 
prove infectious to my friend. 

" Lord North, on Friday last, had hard work 
to apologize for, and explain away, his vapouring 
expression, — ' I will have America at my feet.' 
Lord Camden, in the House of Lords, on the 



279 

day before, said, ' Were I an American, I would 
resist to the last drop of my blood." 

" Let me tell you a great truth, Avhich ought 
at this, and every future day, to have much 
weiirht and influence in America. Few men are 
more ill-disposed towards that continent, than 
those who are under the greatest obligations to it. 
Thus the commercial world, like the political, 
gives us striking instances of favourites of Amer- 
ica, who have among them the most sanguine 
conspirators against her public happiness. Nay, 
some who ouglit to have America inscribed on 
their furniture and e(j[uipages, and gratitude to 
that country written on their hearts, have uttered 
the bitterest things against it, with licensed free- 
dom and insidious industry. It is true they now 
are about calling a meeting to petition Parlia- 
ment in favour of the colonies ; but is an ideot at 
a loss to discern the motive ? The manufactur- 
ers also are on the move. If Americans continue 
firm to themselves, they will not only have the hon- 
our and reward of emancipating themselves ; but 
even a whole kingdom, roused by their example, — 
brought to feel, by American economy, and fired 
by a thousand wrongs, may, peradventure, be 
brought once more to think a little of those great 
subjects, national justice, freedom, and happiness. 



280 

" But by no means entertain an idea that com- 
mercial plans, founded on commercial principles, 
are to be engines of your freedom, or the security 
of your felicity. Far different are the weapons 
with which oppression is repelled ; far more noble 
the sentiments and actions, which secure liberty 
and happiness to man. 

" The friends of America in the House of Com- 
mons are now concerting a plan for carrying a 
suspension of all acts made since the year 1764 
relative to America, for three years, in which 
time, it is said, both sides may cool, and they may 
then think seriously of negotiation and compro- 
mise. I think it was Hannibal who said, ' We 
treat with arms in our hands.' Now whether the 
weapons of our warfare be commercial, or mar- 
tial, methinks we should not suddenly lay them 
down, lest we not only lose the use of them, but 
become so broken for want of daily discipline, as 
that we shall not easily embody again, in so unit- 
ed and formidable a band. Besides, the arts of 
negotiation are much better understood in Europe 
than America, and great statesmen sometimes pre- 
tend to negotiate, when they onl}' mean to corrupt. 
The economy or religion of British ministers 
will not restrain them from an essay upon those 



281 

colony virtues, which, should they prove of easy 
impression, might hazard mighty blessings. 

" Let our countrymen therefore well consider 
how much a British ministry, as well as them- 
selves, have at stake. No arms, no arts, no plots, 
or conspiracies will be thought unlawful weapons. 
Let them look all around (hem, and be on their 
guard at every point. The blessings of the 
wise, and the prayers of the pious, universally at- 
tend you ; even throughout this nation. 

*' My dear sir, before I close, I cannot forbear 
telling you that I look to my countrymen with the 
feelings of one, who verily believes they must yet 
seal their fai^ and constancy to their liberties, 
with bloody ^i^This is a distressing witness indeed ! 
But hath not this ever been the lot of humanity ? 
Hath not blood and treasure in all ages been the 
price of civil. liberty ? Can Americans hope a re- 
versal of. the laws^of our nature, and that the best 
of blessings will, be obtained and secured with- 
out the sharpest trials ? 

" Adieu, my friend, — my heart is with you, and 
whenever my countrymen command, my person 
shall be also. 

" Tell your worthy friend, Mr Dickinson, I 
flattered myself with hopes of his counsels while 
36 



282 

in this world of trial. Tell that good man, 
George Cljmer, if I did not love him too much, I 
should call him an apostate from his professions 
and promises. Believe me with great truth and 
equal esteem jour affectionate friend. 

" JOSIAH QuiNCY JUN." 



TO MRS QUINCY. 

London, December 19, 1774. 
" My very dear Friend, 

" I have so much to do, that instead of writ- 
ing to you, or any of my friends, I transmit the 
rough draft of my letter to Mr Reed. It contains 
all I wish to say to you at this time on political 
subjects. 

" Gratitude, love, and affection fill my heart 
towards my country, and so many of my personal 
friends, that I must transmit my whole soul to 
them, before I can do justice to myself. There- 
fore, in one word, to all my friends say, — that I 
love, honour, and revere them as much as ever, 
that I am the same man as when I abode with 
them beyond the great waters. 



283 

" As to you, my dear friend, I trust that 
nothing will ever be more acceptable to you than 
to be assured that I am still the same. * * * 
X ******* TO 



JOURNAL CONTINUKD. 

"December 19, 1774. Wrote a letter to Al- 
exander McDougall of New York, enclosing to 
him my six last letters. Dined with colonel 
Boyd, in company with three members of Parlia- 
ment, two or three of the bar, and several other 
gentlemen. 

" Spent the evening with Dr Franklin. This 
evening received a letter from John Dickinson 
Esq. of Philadelphia.* 

" December 20th. Wrote an answer to Mr 
Dickinson and sent it to Mr McDougall by the 
same conveyance. 

" Dined with Mr Dilly, in a large circle of 
friends. 

" December 21st. Spent the morning at home, 
— visited by Mr Hartley, member of Parliament. 
Dined at the Cecil coffee-house. 

* See page 192. 



284 

" Spent the evening at Covent Garden theatre, 
where was presented ' Jane Shore,' and Milton's 
'Masque of Comus.' Mr and Mrs Barry per- 
formed well; — Mrs Hartley better. 'Comus' 
was altered much for the worse, and no part was 
performed well, but the part by Miss Catley. 

" December 22d. Breakfasted with Mr Hart- 
ley above named, — spent about two hours in 
conversation on American affairs, and afterwards 
a like space of time with Rose Fuller Esq., an- 
other member of the House. Spent the residue of 
the day and evening at the London coffee-house, 
with the Wednesday-night club of ' Friends to 
Liberty and Science.' A question was debated, 
by assignment, ' Whether capital punishments are, 
in any case, warrantable or right.' 

" Mr Inspector Williams called on me, and 
assured me that Governor Hutchinson was a most 
inveterate and indefatigable enemy against me, 
with the ministry ,• and very broadly intimated 
that Lord Dartmouth and Lord North had both 
told him so. 

" Received two letters of the 25th and 27th of 
October last, from my good friend Joseph Reed 
Esq. of Philadelphia.* Wrote to Mrs Quincy." 

* See page 189. 



285 
" London, December 22, 1774. 

" M_y very dear Friend, 

" I have lately written to you so many 
letters, that there is less need of my now resum- 
ing the pen. Cat the ship by which I have 
written several letters being unexpectedly delayed, 
I embrace the opportunity of saying a few words 
more. I this day have spent six hours with four 
very influential members of the House of Com- 
mons. I have as yet heard or seen nothing to 
alter my sentiments of the duty of my country- 
men, since I so fully wrote my opinion of the 
part they ought to act. But the facts which the 
before mentioned gentlemen assured me of, were, 
the infinite perplexities of the ministry, and the 
general commotion now beginning to take place 
among the merchants and manufacturers. Indeed 
if it was not for the treachery and base designs 
of certain merchants trading to the colonies, the 
manufacturers would long ago have been clamor- 
ous in your favour. I was shown two letters to 
two of the first manufacturing towns, written by 
their member now in Parliament, which I have 
his promise to give me a copy of in a few days. 
As soon as I receive these copies, I shall transmit 
them, and they will give you great insight into 



286 

the commotions now beginning to take place. 
Only be men of common integrity and common 
sense, and you will do wonders. People here 
have no idea that any body of men can be 
virtuous, — but surely you have common sense, 
and if you have, pride will keep you from any 
infraction of your agreements. 

" You see I write in so much haste, that I can 
only hint a sentiment ; and must leave you to col- 
lect the full import of what, if I had time and 
leisure, I should be glad to say. But I should be 
glad that my friends would be deliberating, and 
corresponding upon what part to take, in case 
Parliament suspend all the acts enumerated by 
the Congress, or repeal the Tea Act and the 
three acts relative to the Massachusetts Bay and 
Boston. 

" Your Parliamentary friends say, ' Snatch the 
opportunity for peace and reconcil'ation.' Your 
sanguine and warm partizans say, you ' are united 
and inspired now ; circumstances that may never 
happen again.' Seize the glorious, happy oppor- 
tunity, for establishing the freedom and social 
felicity of all America! ' There is a tide in the 
affairs of men.' God direct youj 



287 

JOURNAL CONTINUED. 

*' December 23d. Passed the evening with 
Dr Franklin. 

" December 24th. Dined with Mr Vaughan, 
and went to Wanstead and kept Christmas. 

" December 27th. Returned from Mr 
Vaughan's, and dined in company with a circle 
of friends at Mr Dillj's. This evening went to 
Cox's museum, which exhibits the most superb 
piece of mechanism in the world. 

" December 28th. Visited by Governor Pow- 
nall, Mr Thornton, &lc. &:c. Spent the afternoon 
and evening in preparing for a tour to Bath, with 
Mr Arthur Lee and Mr Williams. 

*' December 29th. Set off with Mr Williams 
and Mr Arthur Lee for Bath. 

" December 30th. Visited Dr Priestley at 
Calne, and was received very politely. Visited 
Lord Shelburne at his superb seat at Bow-\A'ood. 
i was very much urged to spend the day and night 
by his Lordship, but declined the invitation, and 
proceeded to Bath, where I arrived at five o'clock, 
and then went to a grand ball at the lower rooms. 

" December 31st. Visited the celebrated Mrs 
Macaulay ; — delivered my letters to her, and was 
favoured with a conversation of about an hour 



288 

and a half, in which I was much pleased with 
her o:ood sense and liberal turn of mind. 

" Was attended by Hon. J. Temple to see the 
Circus, the Crescent, and other places of public 
resort at Bath. Then I took a walk of about 
two hours, round at a distance from the town ; 
where, on the hills encircling this splendid city, 
I had a most enchanting prospect. 

"January 1, 1775. Had half an hour's con- 
versation, at the pump-room, with the celebrated 
Col. Barre, on American affairs. Went to hear 
divine service performed at the Abbey church in 
this city. Went also to the several coffee-houses 
of public resort, where I had an opportunity of 
seeing much of the manners of people at Bath. 
Dined with Mr Temple, and spent the evening 
with him. Received a very polite billet from 
Mrs Macaulay to spend a few hours with her on 
the morrow, or Wednesday. 

" January 2d. W^as visited by the Hon. Mr 
Temple, who spent an hour with me. Went 
again over Bath, in order to review the buildings. 
Spent the afternoon with Mrs Macaulay, and 
went in the evening to a ball at the new rooms, 
which was full and very splendid. _ The rooms 
are very elegant, and the paintings which cover 



289 

the windows, taken from the draughts of the 
figures found at the ruins of Herculaneum, have 
a fine effect. This evening I had two hours' 
conversation with Colonel Barre, and from him I 
learned that he was once the friend of Mr Hutch- 
inson in opposition to Governor Pownall, but that 
he had for a long time, and especially since his 
last arrival in England, wholly deserted him. 
Col. Barre, while we were viewing the pictures 
taken from ruins found at Herculaneum, said, ' I 
hope you have not tlie books containing the 
draughts of those ruins with you.' I replied, 
there was one set, I believed, in the public library 
at our college. ' Keep them there,' said he, ' and 
they may be of some service as a matter of curi- 
osity for the speculative, but let them get abroad, 
and you are ruined. They will infuse a taste for 
buildings and sculpture, and when a people get a 
taste for the fine arts, they are ruined. 'T is taste 
that ruins whole kingdoms ; — 't is taste that de- 
populates whole nations. I could not help weep- 
ing when I surveyed the ruins of Rome. All 
the remains of Roman grandeur are of works, 
which were finished when Rome and the spirit of 
Romans were no more, — unless I except the ruins 
of the Emilian baths. Mr Quincy, let your 
37 



290 

countrymen beware of taste in their buildings, 
equipage, and dress, as a deadly poison.' 

" Col. Barre also added in the course of con- 
versation, ' About fifteen years ago, I was through 
a considerable part of your country ; — for in the 
expedition against Canada, my business called 
me to pass by land through Pennsylvania, New 
Jersey, New York, and Albany. When I return- 
ed again to this country, I was often speaking 
of America, and could not help speaking well 
of its climate, soil, and inhabitants ; for you 
must know, sir, America was always a favourite 
with me ; but will you believe it, sir, yet I assure 
you it is true, more than two thirds of this island 
at that time thought the Americans were all 
negroes ! ' 

" I replied I did not in the least doubt it, for 
that if I was to judge by the late acts of Parlia- 
ment, I should suppose that a majority of the 
people of Great Britain still thought so ; — for I 
found that their representatives still treated them 
as such. He smiled, and the discourse dropped. 
— Col. Barre was among those who voted for the 
Boston Port Bill. 

" January 3d. Agreeably to the polite invita- 
tion of Lord Shelburne, I took a post-chaise, and 



291 

went from Bath to his lordship's magnificent seat 
at Bow- wood. 

" I met Lord Shelburne walking alone, at a 
considerable distance from his mansion-house, and 
alighted to walk with him over his grounds. His 
lordship politely walked into the fields to show 
me several newly invented ploughs, and other like 
curiosities. He next called his shepherd, and we 
viewed his flock of a thousand sheep ; and then 
proceeded to a place where were found many 
remains of Roman art ; such as paved ways, gold 
and copper coins, medals, ruins of their baths, 
&:c. &c. We tiicn viewed the artificial lake, &c. 
&:c. When wo arrived at the house, we were 
regaled with a very sumptuous table and very 
fine wines. His lordship's two only children 
are very promising sons, the one about eleven, 
the other seven years of age. They are educated 
in the best manner, and seem very sprightly 
geniuses. They took leave of the company, on 
departing for bed, with much grace and propriety. 
With his lordship I went over his splendid build- 
ings, gardens, &c. &c. Every thing is great 
and truly noble ; surpassing any idea that I can 
convey by my description. 



292 

" Lord Shelbarne repeatedly assured me, he 
should take the tour of America with his two 
sons as soon as they were a little older. He 
seemed to be very much in earnest about the 
matter. 

" January 4th. Although much pressed by 
Lord Shelburne to spend another night with him, 
I set off for Bath, after having taken a review of 
his lordship's fine paintings, library, &c. Lord 
Shelburne's politeness and hospitality deserve my 
gratitude and applause. 

" Arrived at Bath towards evening, went to 
see Mr Temple, and afterwards concluded the 
evening by attending the lecture of the celebrated 
George Alexander Stevens. 

"January 5th. Set off from Bath, and arrived 
at Bristol, about twelve o'clock. Went to view 
the exchange and other public edifices ; after 
which I drank tea and spent the evening with 
Mr Joseph Waldo, who received me with much 
cordial hospitality. 

" January 6th. Went over to Clifton, and view- 
ed the celebrated grotto and water-works of Mr 
Goldney. The view from Clifton Hill is one of 
the finest I ever saw. Went to the Hot Wells, 
and drank the waters, and then returned through 



293 

the Park to Bristol. Dined with Mr Waldo, and 
spent the evening in company with Mr Cruger, 
and Colonel Gorham, at the American coffee- 
house. 

" January 7th. Went to view the several glass 
manufactories, and also a shalloon manufactory, in 
Bristol. Viewed also Radcliffe church, built by 
the Knights Templars, and its three famous paint- 
ings. After which I took another tour round this 
second commercial city in the kingdom. Wrote 
to John Dickinson Esq. Wrote to Mrs Quincy 
by Captain Caldwell, who engages to deliver my 
letter with his own hand. 



TO MRS QUINCY. 

^^ Bristol, January 7, 1775. 
" My very dear Friend, 

" The holy -days have been improved by me in 
visiting Bath, Bristol, and some manufacturing 
towns in the vicinity. Did Americans realize 
their commercial powers, spirit and obstinacy 
would characterize their future measures. Had 
the non-exportation agreement been appointed to 
commence on the first of March, Britain would 



294 

ere this have been in popular convulsions. This 
is the sentiment even of adversaries. 

*' The manufacturing towns are now in motion, 
and petitions to Parliament to repeal the late acts 
on commercial principles, will flow from all quar- 
ters. London is setting the example, which this 
city and other manufacturing towns are preparing 
to follow. 

" The commonalty of this kingdom are grossly 
ignorant ; the tools of the ministry, for their re- 
ward, are incessantly retailing the same stale 
falsehoods, and the same weak reasonings every 
day. The consequences are easily conceived. 
The people of this country must be made to feel 
the importance of their American brethren. If 
the colonies have one spark of virtue, in less than 
a twelvemonth Britain must feel at every nerve. 
Believe me, the commonalty of America are 
statesmen, philosophers, and heroes, compared 
with the ' many ' of Great Britain. With the 
former you may reason, — the latter you must 
drive. I have endeavoured to study the character 
of both countries ; this sentiment is the result of 
my observations. 

" I have lately read various letters from several 
inland manufacturers to their mercantile corres- 



295 

pondents, and I find that the ' address ' to the 
people of this country, hath wrought, and is still 
working wonders. 

" Oh ! my dear friend ! my heart beats high 
in the cause of my country. Their safety, their 
honour, their all is at stake ! I see America 
placed in that great * tide in the affairs of men, 
which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune.' 
Oh ! snatch the glorious opportunity. Oh ! for 
a ' warning voice,' — or our lives are bound in 
vassalage and misery. 

" The ministry, I am well satisfied, are quite 
undetermined as to the course they must take 
with regard to America. They will put off the 
final resolutions to the last moment. I know not, 
and, any further than mere humanity dictates, / 
care not, what part they take. If my own coun- 
trymen deserve to be free — they will be free. If, 
born free, they are contented to be slaves, e'en 
let them bear their burdens. 

*' You must know that 1 am a perfect infidel, in 
matters of mercantile virtue. It will not therefore 
be sufficient, when we find a commercial apostate, 
to mouth ' perdition catch the villain.' The pa- 
tience, the lenity, the humanity of Americans to- 
wards public conspirators and public traitors, hath 



296 

been the source of infinite mischief. From this 
circumstance our friends have become despondent, 
and our foes have taken courage. I have a thou- 
sand things to say, which I would wish to ' speak 
without a tongue, and to be heard without ears.' 
For this reason therefore, if the three acts relative 
to the Massachusetts Bay are not repealed, I in- 
tend to be in Philadelphia, in May next. 

*' 1 am sure, if you knew all that I could tell 
you, it would strengthen your hands, and inspire 
your hearts. I have this day written very similar 
sentiments to my friend, Mr Dickinson, at Phila- 
delphia. You will perceive part of this letter 
copied by my friend .Williams, from mine, to that 
great and good man. We are both now writing 
in the midst of a coffee-house, surrounded by the 
intolerable racket of dice boxes, and the noise of 
party cabal. If therefore you make public any 
part of this letter, print that which relates to the 
cause of my transcribing part of my letter to Mr 
Dickinson, which will carry an apology to that 
gentleman, who may otherwise be displeased at 
seeing the same sentiments to different persons. 

" Last Tuesday and Wednesday I spent with 
Lord Shelburne at his magnificent seat at Bow- 
wood. His politeness would have prevailed with 



297 

me to stay a few days longer, if my other engage- 
ments had permitted that indulgence. 

" Once, since I arrived, I raised a small quan- 
tity of blood ; owing to some exertions of my 
lungs that brought on that old disorder. Since 
that time I have had no symptom of it, and at 
this time, and indeed ever since I have been in 
Britain, I never enjoyed greater health and spirits. 
This climate undoubtedly agrees with me much 
better than my own. Neither colds nor fevers 
have molested me, since sojourning in this land of 
my fathers. 

" Captain Caldwell, who engages to deliver 
this with his own hand, calls on me to finish. 

" Adieu ! The blessings of my heart rest upon 
you. 

''J. Q. 

" Let our friend, Samuel Adams, be among the 
first to whom you show my letters." 



TO MRS QUINCY. 

London J January 11, 1775. 
" My very dear Friend, 

*' Last night I returned from Bath and Bris- 
tol, where I have been to spend a few of the 
38 



298 

holy-days. From the last of these places I wrote 
to my friend Mr Dickinson, and yourself. The 
letter to you, together witli several others, the 
captain engaged to deliver with his own hand. 
Last evening I was regaled with yours of the 3d 
and 14th of November ; — James Lovell's of the 
10th, 25th, and 28th of October ; — Dr Chaun- 
cy's of the 21st of October, and 3d of Novem- 
ber, and Oliver Wendell's of the 15th of Novem- 
ber. To all these, my remembering friends, 
present my acknowledgments and thanks. Inform 
them I shall write answers, if the time limited for 
the sailing of this vessel is extended. 

" Since writing the above, I have received 
another letter from Dr Chauncy of the 4th of 
November, but have not yet received the two 
pamphlets. Let him be the first to whom you 
transmit this letter. I have also received a very 
useful letter from my friend, Nathaniel Apple- 
ton ; let him be the next. 

" If the many letters I have sent, come safe to 
your hands, my friends will see that I am neither 
less idle nor less earnest in the cause, than when 
I sojourned with them beyond Jordan. My avo- 
cations are so many and incessant, that I find 
but little time which I cannot employ more to the 



299 

service of my country by attending to men and 
things here, than by writing my sentiments to 
those on the other side of the water. That little 
time, whenever it does occur, is sacredly dedicated 
to my correspondence with my brethren in 
America, which is a substantial pleasure of my 
life. 

" But let my friends in Boston and Massachu- 
setts be reminded, that my literary connexions 
are extended through the southern colonies, and 
that therefore, when they think themselves forgot- 
ten or neglected, my time has been so wholly 
employed with occurrences here, or in transmit- 
ting advices to our southern friends, that I have 
been denied any opportunity of paying that tribute 
of gratitude, respect, and applause, that my Mas- 
sachusetts friends may justly claim. 

" As I have written to you very constantly and 
largely, upon the subject of our great concerns, I 
must entreat that those confidential friends to 
whom you may show my letters, would consider 
them as information sent the brotherhood in gen- 
eral ; and in consequence, by way of return, 
favour me with their advice and counsels, for 
which, as I shall ever stand much in need, so I 
shall be accordingly grateful. 



300 

" The cause of the colonies every day grows 
more popular; that of the ministry, more desperate. 
The merchants are alarmed, the manufacturers 
are in motion, the artificers and handicraftsmen 
are in amaze, and the lower ranks of the com- 
munity are suffering. Petitions are framing in 
all parts of the kingdom in favour of their own 
dear selves, and if America reap any advantage 
by this movement, be assured her tribute of grati- 
tude is not due either to merchants or manufac- 
turers. America might sink in bondage, and long 
drag the load of misery and shame, before either 
of these orders, as a body of men, would feel one 
generous sentiment, or make one feeble effort, 
unless their own immediate and obvious interest 
prompted the exertion. I say, immediate and 
obvious^ for all know that if the distance is beyond 
their own nostrils, or clouded by any thing deeper 
than a cobweb shade, they will neither see nor 
understand. I speak here of the governing ma- 
jority ; individuals are among them who have 
knowledge, sentiment, and spirit ; but Heaven 
knows, how little, how incredibly little, these 
noble qualities have influence here. 

*' There can be no doubt that the peaceful, 
spiritless, and self-denying warfare, in which the 



301 

colonies are now engaged, would yield an ample 
victory ; to be sure, not the most glorious or 
splendid of any on record, but the tinsel of splen- 
dour and the parade of glory may be dispensed 
with, if we can obtain the object of our wishes by 
attacks which are truly mock heroic, and weap- 
ons which are most certainly not spiritual. 

<« My great doubt is, whether frugal virtue is a 
quality deeply ingrafted in the human mind, and 
whether it contains a spirit sharp and active 
enough to cement and animate any large popular 
body, for any length of time. 

" However, if my countrymen, after deliberat- 
ing, are convinced, that they can sacredly keep the 
pure faith of economy ; that they can follow the 
simplicity of their fathers, and what is more, can 
compel and keep to the ordinances of self-denial, 
their whole household, I will venture to assure 
them, that they shall obtain a bloodless victory, 
and be crowned with success. 

"I am so certain of the truth of what I now 
say, and that my words are indeed the words of 
soberness, that I would put my life and my all on 
the hazard of the trial. These are not the hasty 
opinions of a moment ; they are sentiments found- 
ed upon inquiry and reflection, and I am con- 



302 

vinced of no one truth more strongly, and I have 
no one judgment in my own opinion better found- 
ed, than wliat is above transmitted. 

" I am thus explicit, because you very well 
know that I not only wish the safety, but the 
glory of my country. I have heard its valour 
questioned, I have seen its honour touched ; of 
that valour, I have an elevated idea ; of that hon- 
our, I am jealous. As I wish therefore the peace, 
the welfare, and the bloodless deliverance of my 
native land, I hope to see my countrymen prudent, 
frugal, saving economists ; but when I shall wish 
to se^ them great and glorious, 

* I sure must view them in a nobler field ! ' 

Permanent slavery, or a full deliverance from their 
present burdens, is the alternative now before 
America. No other country hath ever yet had 
any choice but that of the sword for their eman- 
cipation from bondage. America, favoured above 
the nations of antiquity, hath an alternative. If 
her children can withstand the blandishments of 
luxury, and the delusions of false pride, they may 
purchase liberty without its price ; but if attach- 
ment to commercial leeks and onions, an idolatry 
equally degrading, and in the present case almost 
as impious as that of Egypt, have debauched the 



4\ 



303 

appetite and blinded all sense, they must soon 
make their election of the load of slavery, or the 
sword of blood. 

" The ministry are evidently plunged. Every 
thing bears the mark of distraction. Bute and 
Mansfield are not less your enemies, and Hutch- 
inson is still the same man. Lord Dartmouth 

is ; but America can at this day want no 

information as to his character ; when hypocrisy 
throws aw^ay her mask, credulity must renounce 
her faith. No measures are yet determined upon 
in the cabinet. Every thing will be done at the 
meeting of Parliament on the spur of the occasion. 

" In the nation you have many friends and 
hearty well-wishers to your cause. The lords and 
commons are — ivhat they are; but ANOTHER 
CHARACTER, is in principle your adversary, 
and will never be reconciled to your deliverance 
till he sees, what, peradventure, he will not wait 
long for, a spirit going forth, which compels rulers 
to their duty. I shall take care to keep you con- 
stantly informed of events as they rise. Very im- 
portant ones must occur in a short time. The 
stanch friends of our country are here in high 
spirits. I should flatter your national vanity if I 
told you all that is said and thouglit of Americans 



304 

at this day ; but the sentiments of this people are 
as fluctuating, and sometimes as boisterous as the 
ocean. 

" I find I shall have no time to write to the 
friends I mentioned above. Send them therefore 
this letter to peruse by way of apology. My best 
wishes attend you. Present me to my friends 
and relatives in the bonds of respect and love. In 
the same bonds continue to hold 

"Yours, &c." 



TO MRS QUINCY. 

London, January 12, 1775. 
" My very dear Friend, 

" Yesterday I finished a long letter to you, 
which will accompany the present ; by a consider- 
tion of both, my friends will see how difficult the 
task would be to write severally to them all. I 
have just come from spending three hours in pri- 
vate conversation with Governor Pownall ; and 
without a moment's delay sit down to transmit 
some parts of what passed between us. 

" After having given him some general account 
of my intelligence from America, he said, ' Now, 
sir, I will give you some news also. A king's 



305 

ship has arrived from Boston with despatches 
from General Gage ; she sailed the 16th of De- 
cember from that place. She brings certain ac- 
counts that notwithstanding the non-importation 
agreement was to take place the first of Decem- 
ber, jet since that day, by connivance, a consider- 
able quantity of pimento, and other articles forbid- 
den by that agreement, have been imported and 
stored in the city of New York.' I replied, ' I 
don't believe that what you have heard is true.' 
' You may depend upon it, sir ; I am satisfied of 
it, perfectly, myself,' was his answer. 

" This matter ought to be inquired into. Do 
not entertain ill-grounded jealousies of each other, 
yet watch over one another for good.* 

" ' I will tell you more. Sir,' added Governor 
Pownall ; ' the provincial congress have chosen 

* The following letter from Alexander McDougall Esq. 
(afterwards General McDougall) will explain the state of 
things, which then existed in New York. The friends of lib- 
erty in that city had difficulties of a very peculiar character 
to encounter ; which they met with a corresponding spirit and 
vigilance ; as this letter evidences. In none of the other col- 
onies had the patriots of the revolution so many and so pow- 
erful internal enemies to contend with as in this. Their sit- 
uation, in this respect, exposed them to suspicious and mis- 

39 



306 

their general officers ; two of them are Colonel 
Preble and Colonel Pomeroy ; I have foroot the 
third. They have also chosen a committee to 



representations, which their subsequent sacrifices and exer- 
tions in the cause proved to be unfounded and unjust. 



TO JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 

" New York, April 6, 1775. 
« Dear Sir, 

"Your favours of the I7th and 19th of December last, 
enclosing letters for the friends of the common cause in Bos- 
ton and Philadelphia, arrived here the 10th ultimo, but they 
were not handed to me before the 25th, owing to their being 
in a package belonging to a gentleman who was absent when 
they arrived. Your directions respecting them were strictly 
observed, and they were forwarded the 27th by safe convey- 
ances. I shall take great pleasure in transmitting your future 
communications to your friends. 

" I wrote \'ou by the March packet under cover to Mr 
Thomas Bromfield, in which I informed you of the progress 
then made by our House of Assembly on American griev- 
ances. The assurances 1 gave you, that what remained of the 
' Report of the Committee of Grievances,' not then consider- 
ed by the ' Committee of tlie House,' would rather be more 
in favour of liberty than the ' Report,' has since been confirm- 
ed ; the particulars of which you have in the enclosed printed 
proceedings of the House. After the ' Statement of Griev- 



307 



manage the office of Governor, and another that 

of the Supreme Court of justice of the province.' 

" I shall suspend a comment on this matter. 



ances was agreed to, and approved of by the House, several 
of the members who were warm friends to the cause of liber- 
ty, having attended the Assembly two months, and their fam- 
ilies being very remote from the capitol, and urgent business 
demanding their return, and considering the most important 
transactions of the sessions finished, went home. This gave 
an opportunity to the wicked and designing members of the 
House, contrary to all order, to depart from the spirit of the 
' List of Grievances,' in a '■ Petition to the King,' ' Memorial 
to tiio Lords,' and ' Remonstrance to the Commons.' But the 
' Statement of Grievances ' agreed to by the fullest House dur- 
ing the sessions must be considered as the basis of all their 
proceedings on the American controversy. If any regard is 
to be paid to the sense of the Legal Representatives, that 
sense is, the ' Statement of Grievances' agreed to in a full 
House ; and therefore, whatever difference appears in the 
' Petition,' &c., from that ' Statement of Grievances,' is a mere 
nullity. If the ministry make any dependence on the ' Peti- 
tion,' &c., as declarative of the sense of this colony, they will 
find themselves most egregiously mistaken. This city will 
publicly disavow the vile, slavish sentiments, contained in 
the ^ Petition,' &c., the moment they make their appearance. 
So far as they are now known, they are condemned, and the 
patrons of them despised. And if the Provincial Convention, 
who are to meet here on the 20th instant to elect Delegates 
for the continental congress, do not disavow the '■ Petition,' &c. 



308 

" After a long conversation with him on the 
subjects which grew naturally out of our conver- 
sation, I asked him (he being now a member of 

which I have reason to conchide they will, they will certainly 
join with the continental Congress in doing it. 

" During the ship 's stay in our ba}' she was continu- 
ally watched by a sub-committee, and did not enter. But while 
she lay at the Hook waiting for a fair wind, the night before 
she departed threatened a storm ; and as the boat, on board 
of which the sub-committee attended, was not so well provided 
with ground tackling as the ship, the boat was obliged to go 
into a cove of safety, at some distance from the ship. The 
owners, who had some goods on board, having previously 
meditated a plan to land them, availed themselves of this op- 
portunity, and effected it in the night. Of this they were 
suspected, and our sub-committee of observation, and the com- 
mittee of Elizabeth Town, having got a clue to a discovery, 
the owners confessed the matter upon oath. Our citizens 
were so enraged at them for the horrid deed, that it was with 
great difficulty they were prevailed upon not to banish them. 
The fearful apprehensions of these persons and the terms on 
which they are suffered to abide here, are fully expressed in 
the printed papers which you have herewith. This is the 
only violation of the Association we have had since it took 
place. The punishment they now, and will endure, is suffi- 
cient to deter any man, however base, from another breach. 

" The friends of the Association, and the great cai.se, are 
daily increasing; so that you have no reason to fear a defec- 
tion of this colony. Time will not permit me to be more 
particular. I shall continue to enclose you all the printed 



309 

Parliament) what he thought the ministry would 
do at the approaching sessions. 

" He answered, ' They will not repeal the Bos- 
ton Port Bill, because it executes itself. They 
will not repeal the acts altering your form of 
government, because these late advices show that 
you have taken that matter out of their hands. 
They will not repeal the Quebec Bill, because it 
is the sense of all parties here, that that is a mat- 
ter with which no other colony but Quebec hath 
any thing to do. If they do not complain, the 
other colonies have no right to intermeddle.' 

" I replied to Governor Pownall, I wished I 
could be satisfied that what he now said would 
be true ; 'It will ease my mind,' added I, ' and 
would determine my conduct, to sail to America 
in four-and-twenty hours. I should then be in 

papers which T may judge of importance to you, regardless of 
the postage until you direct me to the contrary. 
" I am, dear Sir, in great haste, 
" But with great respect, 

" Your humble servant, 

"Alexander McDougall. 
" P. S. As my political character may tempt the tools of 
government to open letters to me, please to cover your fa- 
vours to me to Samuel Broome & Co. merchants in New 
York." 



310 

no doubt what the colonies ought to do, and' 
(with a little elevation of voice) ' 1 am sure I 
should not hesitate what part to take myself.' 
" ' I tell you, Mr Quincy,' continued Governor 
Pownall, ' what I now say I do not deliver as 
what I am informed of by the ministry, but as 
what I have not the least doubt of ; it is my solid 
judgment founded upon facts on which I have 
reflected, and laid together again and again.' 
My answer was, ' I have lately been in the west- 
ern parts of this kingdom. I have conversed 
ever since I have been here, with all ranks of 
people who think or converse at all upon these 
subjects. I am a stranger in this country, I do 
not pretend to be thoroughly acquainted with 
their genius, temper, or character ; but this I 
will venture to say, that if the actions of this 
country are as correspondent with the sense, 
words, and declarations of its inhabitants, as the 
words and doings of my American countrymen, I 
am sure this country will be convulsed, — I am 
sure there will be very astonishing commotions, 
if those acts are not repealed, and that very 
speedily too, after the Parliament have got well 
together. But, as I said before, I do not pretend 
to know this people as well as those who were 



311 

bred, and have always dwelt among them. In- 
deed, 1 have been confirmed more and more every 
day, that the commonalty in this country are no 
more like the commonalty in America, than if 
they were two utterly distinct and unconnected 
people.' 

" ' Very true, Mr Quincy,' replied Governor 
Pownall ; 'your observation is certainly just. You 
have formed a right judgment, and you will see 
more reason to strengthen your opinion every day 
you live in the island.' 

" Governor Pownall presented me with two 
of his late productions, one to be sent to Dr 
Cooper, which I shall do, if I am able, by this 
opportunity. I have written you that I shall be 
in Philadelphia in May next, if the acts are not 
repealed. I have made that determination, be- 
cause I think I shall be able to do some good 
there. In conversation we can say and do more 
than by whole folios of writing. But my being 
there at that time is so uncertain, that I would not 
upon any account have my friends omit sending 
their letters of intelligence to me here. Such 
letters are of amazing service ; with them I can 
do more good than you would think possible if 
you had never experienced the effect. 



312 

*' Adieu. May the great Father of spirits 
inspire jou ! Act worthy of yourselves, and you 
must be successful and happy. 

" P. S. I intend to send you Burke's Speech 
published this day. It will be read in America 
with avidity and applause. I am well informed 
that Mr Hayley, on receiving a large parcel of 
letters from America without one order enclosed, 
merely said, — ' I find there is not even an incli- 
nation in Boston to smuggle now.' 

*' A certain Mr , lately arrived from 

Boston, said, ' A few more troops will be suffi- 
cient to enforce all the measures of the min- 
istry.' 

"I have neither room nor time for comment." 



TO MRS QUINCY. 

5 London, January 12, 1775, 
\ Twelve at night. 

" My very dear Friend, 

" I have been all this day toiling for my op- 
pressed country. I have just closed my advices 
to the southward. I should not now resume the 
pen, having written you very largely to-day and 



313 

yesterday, had I not been just gratified with 
yours and my good friend James Lovell's favours 
of November and December. Yours, dated 18th 
of November and 9th of December ; his, Novem- 
ber 25th and December 7th. Thank him most 
heartily for his zeal and industry in the cause of 
his country, and his affection and good wishes for 
me. Show him my letters ; tell him to consider 
them as addressed to him, — and command him to 
persevere in his way of well-doing. 

" If you are satisfied that what you wrote me 
relative to the speeches of Major Paddock and 
is really true, in fact, please to con- 
vey word to Major P , and assure him in my 

name, that I have ' dared to show my head in 
London ; ' — that I have dared to enter into the 
presence of Lord North and Lord Mansfield, — 
and what he may think more, on two days suc- 
cessively to stand before the throne of a king ; 
literally within the reach of his royal sceptre, and 
the sword of justice ; neither one nor the other 
dazzled or terrified me. Even the eloquence of a 
sovereign did not so confound my judgment, but 
that before the royal charm was over, I was able 
to recollect and remind a friend who stood near 
me, of the memorable saying of Henry Marten to 
40 



J314 

Edward Hjde ; — ' / do not think one man ivise 
enough to govern us all.'' 

" Nay, the splendour of royal robes, the pomp 
of state attendants, or the glitter of a diadem, 
never once so fascinated my understanding, or 
beguiled my heart, as that I did not realize the 
solemn and eternal truth, delivered by the illus- 
trious Milton ; — ' The trappings of a monarchy 
will set up a commonwealth.' 

" You may tell , that I am not yet 

* hanged,' and whether he or I shall first ' dangle 
on a gibbet,' is a matter altogether problematical. 
But whether he or I deserve it most, I am willing 
to submit to a jury of freeholders in his own 
vicinity ; and if he will move for sentence upon 
their verdict, I will agree not to move in arrest 
of judgment. 

" Politics, you see, so wholly engross my time, 
that I have no time to write about those affections 
that are very deep in my heart. I know you 
will excuse the indulgence. Write by every pos- 
sible way some little memorandum of the dates of 
letters received. It will gratify me much to hear 
of the safe arrival of any of my letters. * * * 
Tell my friends that my health and spirits still 
continue high. As to my sentiments and opinions, 



i315 

my integrity and firmness, — they must judge of 
those by my conduct. 

" Yours &c. 

" Do not think I forget my children because I 
do not speak of them. ****** * 

^^ January 13/^. Since writing the above last 
night, Governor Pownall hath this morning called 
upon me, and, I having Mr Brand HoUis with me, 
he had only time to say, — ' You will have terrible 
news from Boston soon ; the matter is decided 
before this time ! ' 

" This day Mr George Green informed me 
that Governor Hutchinson carried Messrs Blowers, 
Bliss, and Ingersol, the morning after their arri- 
val, to Lord North. He also informed me that 

Mr had said in the coffee-house, that ' if 

administration did not enforce the present meas- 
ures, it was all over with them.' Another person, 
lately from America, said, that ' a iew more regi- 
ments would do the business.' Mr Inspector 
Williams also told me this moment, that he had 
seen Mr Peters's representation to the Privy Coun- 
cil, 'and it is,' added Mr Williams, 'the most 
bitter, abominable thing I ever saw ; — the bishops 
have talccn it up, and the Connecticut charter 
will be snapped this session.' Mr Williams has 



316 

promised to j)rocure me a copy of the above 
paper, and if he does, I shall send it by this 
opportunity. I have every moment something I 
want to communicate. My attention is ever 
awake, and my time employed." 



JOURNAL CONTINUED. 

" January loth. Received visits from Gover- 
nor Pownall, Mr Brand Hollis, and others. Re- 
ceived letters from Mrs Quincy and my father. 
Wrote to Mrs Quincy, and to J. Lee Esq. Sent 
the above letters, as well as those of Sheriff Lee 
and Dr Baillie enclosed, by Captain Gordon, 
who sails in Col. Lee's employ. 



TO MRS QUINCY. 

London., January 14, 1775. 
"My best Friend, 

" I was this moment closing my advices to 
you, when I received from Mr Blowers your 
letter of October 15th, November 3d and 18th, — 
and my father's of November 3d. 1 am so fa- 
tigued with writing &c., that I can ivrite no more. 
The person by whom I send this, goes in ten 



minutes. Thank my friends most heartily for 
their letters. Don't let them think I neglect 
their favours ; they must consider my letters to 
you as addressed to them all. I am so hurried I 
have no other way. ***** 

" I have acknowledged to you the receipt of all 
the letters I have received. I have told you all 
that 1 most wish you to know, excepting how 
much I am yours. ****** 

" My health was never better. I have as yet 
had no symptom of a seasoning." 



JOURNAL CONTINUED. 

" January 15th. Dined with Mr Edward 
Dilly. 

" January 16th. Received Dr Warren's letter* 
of November 21, 1774, by Mr Williams Jun. 
Dined \^ith Mr Brand Hollis, in company with 
Dr Priestley, Dr Franklin, Dr Price, and others. 

" January 17th. Dined with Mrs Stevenson, 
with a number of ladies and gentlemen, in cel- 
ebration of Dr Franklin's birthday, who made 
one of the festive company, although he this day 
enters the seventieth year of his age. 

* See page 204. 



318 

" January 18th. Spent this day and evening 
at St James's in attending the celebration of the 
Queen's birthday at the drawing and ball room. 
The dresses were splendid and magnificent, much 
beyond any thing I had ever before seen. The 
Queen appears amiable and is very affable. The 
young Prince of Wales resembles his mother in 
countenance and air very much. The Bishop 
of Osnaburgh is a very handsome boy. The lit- 
tle princes are comely enough. 

" January 19th. Attended the House of Com- 
mons and heard debates between North, Burke, 
and Mr Eden, &c. Spent the evening at the 
London coffee-house with Dr Franklin, Priestley, 
Price, Calder, and many others. 

" January 20th. Attended the debates in the 
House of Lords. Good fortune gave me one of 
the best places for hearing, and taking a few 
minutes. 

" Lord Chatham rose like Marcellus, — ' Viros 
supereminet omnes.'' He seemed to feel himself 
superior to those around him. His language, 
voice, and gesture were more pathetic, than I 
ever saw or heard before, at the bar or senate. 
He seemed like an old Roman senator, rising with 
the dignity of age, yet speaking with the fire of 



319 

youth. The illustrious sage stretched forth his 
hand with the decent solemnity of a Paul, and ris- 
ing with his subject, he smote his breast with the 
ener^'jy and grace of a Demosthenes. 

" This great and astonishing character opened 
w ith some general observations on the importance 
and magnitude of the present American quarrel 
(as he called it). He enlarged upon the danger- 
ous and ruinous events that were coming upon the 
nation in consequence of the present dispute, and 
the measures, already begun and now carrying on 
by His Majesty's ministers. He arraigned their 
conduct with great severity and freedom. He 
then proceeded — 

" ' My Lords, these papers from America, now 
laid by administration for the first time before 
your lordships, have been, to my knowledge, five 
or six WTeks in the pocket of the minister. And 
notwithstanding the fate of this kingdom hangs 
upon the event of this great controversy, we arc 
but this moment called to a consideration of this 
important subject. My Lords, I do not wish to 
look into one of these papers. I know their con- 
tents well enough already, I know that there is 
not a member in this house but is acquainted with 
their purport also. There ought therefore to be 



32a 

no delay in entering upon this matter. We ought 
to proceed to it immediately. We ought to seize 
the first moment to open the door of reconciliation. 
The Americans will never be in a temper or state 
to be reconciled — they ought not to be — till the 
troops are withdrawn. The troops are a perpetual 
irritation to these people ; they are a bar to all con- 
fidence, and all cordial reconcilement. I therefore, 
my Lords, move, ' That an humble address be pre- 
sented to His Majesty, most humbly to advise and 
beseech His Majesty, that in order to open the 
way towards an happy settlement of the danger- 
ous troubles in America, by beginning to allay fer- 
ments and soften animosities there, and above all, 
for preventing in the mean time any sudden and 
fatal catastrophe at Boston, now suffering under 
the daily irritation of an army before their eyes, 
posted in their town, it may graciously please His 
Majesty that immediate orders may be despatched 
to General Gage for removing His Majesty's forces 
from the town of Boston, as soon as the rigour 
of the season, and other circumstances indispensa- 
ble to the safety and accommodation of the said 
troops, may render the same practicable. 

" ' The way must be immediately opened for 
reconciliation. It will soon be too late. I know 



321 

not who advised the present measures : I know 
not who advises to a perseverance and enforce- 
ment of them ; but this I will say, that w hoever 
advises them, ought to answer for it at his utmost 
peril. 

" ' I know that no one will avow that he ad- 
vised, or that he was the author of these meas- 
ures ; every one shrinks from the charge. But 
somebody has advised His Majesty to these meas- 
ures, and if His Majesty continues to hear such 
evil counsellors. His Majesty will be undone. 
His Majesty may indeed wear his crown, but, the 
American jewel out of it, it will not be w orth the 
wearing. 

" ' What more shall I say ? I must not say the 
king is betrayed ; but this I will say, the nation is 
ruined. What foundation have w^e for our claims 
over America ? What is our right to persist in 
such cruel and vindictive measures against that 
loyal, respectable people ? They say, you have no 
right to tax them without their consent. They 
say truly. Representation and taxation must go 
together ; they are inseparable. Yet there is 
scarcely a man in our streets, though so poor as 
scarcely to be able to get his daily bread, but 
thinks he is the legislator of America. 
41 



322 

" ' " Our American subjects,''^ is a common 
phrase in the mouths of the lowest orders of our citi- 
zens ; but proi)erty, my Lords, is the sole and entire 
dominion of the owner : it excludes all the world 
besides the owner. None can intermeddle with 
it. It is a unity, a mathematical point. It is an 
atom ; untangible by any but the proprietor. 
Touch it, and the owner loses his whole property. 
The touch contaminates the whole mass, the 
whole property vanishes. The touch of another 
annihilates it ; for whatever is a man's own, is 
absolutely and exclusively his own. 

" ' In the last Parliament, all was anger — all was 
rage. Administration did not consider what was 
practicable, but what was revenge. Sine clade 
victoria was the language of the ministry last ses- 
sions, but every body knew, an ideot might know, 
that such would not be the issue. But the ruin 
of the nation was a matter of no concern, if ad- 
ministration might be revenged. The Americans 
were abused, misrepresented, and traduced, in the 
most atrocious manner, in order to give a colour, 
and urge on the most precipitate, unjust, cruel, 
and vindictive measures that ever disgraced a 
nation. 

" Gnossius lisec Rhadamanthus habet durissima regna ; 
Castigatque, auditquc dolog." 



323 

*' ' My Lords, the very infernal spirits — they 
chastise, castigatque : sed audltque — my Lords — 
the very spirits of the infernal regions hear, be- 
fore they punish. 

" 'But how have this respectable people behaved 
under all their grievances ? With unexampled 
patience, with unparalleled wisdom. They chose 
delegates by their free suffrages ; no bribery, no 
corruption, no influence there, my Lords. Their 
representatives meet, with the sentiments and 
temper, and speak the sense of the continent. 
For genuine sagacity, for singular moderation, for 
solid wisdom, manly spirit, sublime sentiments, 
and simplicity of hinguage, for every thing res- 
pectable and honourable, tlie congress of Philadel- 
phia shine unrivalled. This \vise people speak 
out. They do not hold the language of slaves ; 
they tell you what they mean. They do not ask 
you to repeal your laws as a favour ; they claim it 
as a right — they demand it. They tell you they 
will not submit to them ; and I tell you, the acts 
must be repealed ; they will bie repealed ; you can- 
not enforce them. The ministry are checkmated ; 
they have a move to make on the board ; yet not 
a move, but they are ruined. 



324 

" ' Repeal, therefore, my Lords, I say. But 
bare repeal will not satisfy this enlightened and 
spirited people. What ! repeal a bit of paper ! 
repeal a piece of parchment ! That alone will 
not do, my Lords. You must go throu2;h the 
work — you must declare you have no ri<j;ht to 
tax — then they may trust you ; then they will have 
some confidence in you. 

" ' 1 have heard a noble Lord speak, who seem- 
ed to lay some blame on General Gage. I think 
that honourable gentleman has behaved with great 
prudence and becoming caution. He has en- 
trenched himself, and strengthened his fortifications. 
I do not know what he could do more. His situa- 
tion puts me in mind of a similar transaction in 
the civil wars of France, when the great Conde, 
on one side, and Marshall Turenne, on the other, 
with large armies, lay many weeks very near each 
other. Turenne, conscious of the terrible conse- 
quences of victory to himself and country, though 
the armies were several days in sight of each 
other, never came to a battle. On his return to 
the court of France the Queen asked him, " Why, 
Marshall, I think you lay several days in sight of 
your enemy, and yuu might have been up with 
him at any time ; pray why did you not take 



825 

him?" The General very shrewdly replied, 
" Should I have taken him, please your majesty, 
I was afraid all Paris would have taken me." 
My Lords, there arc three millions of vvhigs ; — 
three millions of whigs, my Lords, with arms in 
their hands, are a very formidable body. It was 
the whigs, my Lords, that set His Majesty's royal 
ancestors on the throne of England. I hope, my 
Lords, there are yet double the number of whigs 
in England that there are in America. I hope 
the whigs of both countries will join, and make 
a common cause. Ireland is with the Americans 
to a man. The whigs of that country will, and 
those of this country ought to think the American 
cause their own. They are allied to each other 
in sentiment and interest, united in one great 
principle of defence and resistance, against tyran- 
ny and oppression. They ought therefore, and 
they will, run to embrace and support their breth- 
ren. The cause of ship-money was the cause of 
all the whigs of England. You shall not take my 
money, without my consent, is the doctrine and 
the language of whigs ; it is the doctrine and 
voice of whigs in America, and whigs here. It is 
the doctrine, in support of which I do not know 
how many names I could — I may call in this 



326 

House, — among the living, I cannot say how many 
I could — to join with me, and maintain these doc- 
trines with their blood ; — but among the dead, I 
could raise an host innumerable ! And, my Lords, 
at this day there are very many sound, substantial, 
honest whigs, who ought and who will consider 
this American controversy, as a great common 
cause. 

" * My Lords, consistent with the preceding 
doctrines, and with what I ever have, and shall 
continue to maintain, I say, I shall oppose 
America whenever I see her aiming at throwing 
off the navigation act, and other regulatory acts 
of trade, made bond fide for that purpose, and 
wisely framed, and calculated for reciprocity of 
interest and the general extended welfare and 
security of the whole empire. It is suggested 
such is their design ; I see no evidence of it. But 
to come at a certain knowledge of their sentiments 
and designs on this head, it would be proper first 
to do them justice. Treat them as subjects, be- 
fore you treat them as aliens, rebels, and traitors. 

" ' My Lords, deeply impressed with the impor- 
tance of taking some healing measures at this most 
alarming, distracted state of our affairs, though 
bowed down with a cruel disease, I have crawl- 



327 

ed to this House to give you my best counsel, and 
experience, and my advice is "to beseech His 
Majesty &c. &c." This is the best I can think 
of. It will convince America that you mean to 
try her cause in the spirit, and by the laws of 
freedom and fair inquiry, and not by codes of 
blood. How can she now trust you, with the 
bayonet at her breast ? She has all the reason 
in the world now to believe you mean to her 
death or bondage. Thus entered on the thresh- 
old of this business, I will knock at your gates 
for justice without ceasing, unless inveterate in- 
firmities stay my hand. My Lords, I pledge my- 
self never to leave this business. I will pursue it 
to the end in every shape. I will never fail of 
my attendance on it at every step and period of 
this great matter, unless nailed down to my bed 
by the severity of disease. My Lords, there is 
no time to be lost ; every moment is big with 
dangers. Nay, while I am now speaking, the 
decisive blow may be struck, and millions involv- 
ed in the consequence. The very first drop of 
blood will make a wound, that will not easily be 
skinned over. Years, perhaps ages, may not heal 
it. It will be immedicabile vulnus : a wound of 
that rancorous, malignant, corroding, festering 



328 

nature, that in all probability it will mortify the 
whole body. Let us then, my Lords, set to this 
business in earnest ! not take it up by bits and 
scraps, as formerly, just as exigencies pressed, 
without any regard to general relations, connex- 
ions, and dependencies. I would not by any 
thing I have said, my Lords, be thought to en- 
courage America to proceed beyond the right line. 
I reprobate all acts of violence by her mobility. 
But when her inherent constitutional rights are 
invaded, those rights she has an equitable claim 
to enjoy, by the fundamental laws of the Eng- 
lish constitution, and which are engrafted thereon 
by the unalterable laws of nature ; then I own 
myself an American, and feeling myself such, 
shall, to the verge of my life, vindicate those rights 
against all men who strive to trample upon or 
oppose them.' " 



" It surpasses all description how such wisdom 
and such eloquence affected a right honourable 
and right reverend senate of modern Britain ! 
But we may conjecture how such an union would 
have touched, — to what deeds it would have 
moved, and to what noble darings it would have 



329 

inspired a senate of ancient Sparta, or an assembly 
of old Romans. Indeed, from the effects of this 
speech on the great audience without the bar, and 
from my own emotions and feelings, the miracles 
of ancient eloquence, the blaze of genius, and the 
burst of thought, with which Grecian and Roman 
orators have been said to work wonders in the 
senate and the field, no longer appeared fabulous. 

" Lord Camden (undoubtedly the first common 
lawyer in England) spoke next on the side of 
America, and in support of the motion. He 
equalled Lord Chatham in every thing but that 
fire and pathos, which are the forte of his lord- 
ship. In learning, perspicuity, and pure eloquence, 
probably no one ever surpassed Lord Camden. 

" His lordship opened briefly upon the nature 
of property, the right of taxation, and its insepa- 
rability from representation. 

" ' My Lords, I will not enter into the large 
field of collateral reasoning applicable to the ab- 
struse distinctions touching the omnipotence of 
Parliament. The declaratory law sealed my lips, 
and 1 have been silent. But this I will say, not 
only as a statesman, politician, and philosopher, 
but as a common lawyer, — my Lords, you have no 
rijrht to tax America. I have searched the mat- 
42 



330 

tev ; — I repeat it, vny Lords, you have no right to 
tax America ; — the natural rights of man, and the 
immutable laws of nature, are all with that people. 
Much stress is laid upon the suj)reme legislative 
authority of Great Britain, and so far as the 
doctrine is directed to its proper object, I accede 
to it. But it is equally true, according to all 
approved writers on government, that no man, 
agreeably to the principles of natural or civil 
liberty, could be divested of any part of his prop- 
erty without his consent. Every thing has been 
staked on the single position that the authority of 
Parliament must be obeyed ; but this general, 
unconditional, unlimited assertion, I am far from 
thinking applicable to every possible case that 
may arise in the turn of times. For my part, I 
imagine, that a power resulting from a trust 
arbitrarily exercised, may be lawfully resisted ; 
^\ hether the power is lodged in a collective body, 
or single person ; in the few, or the many. How- 
ever modified, makes no difference ; whenever 
the trust is wrested to the injury of the people, — 
whenever oppression begins, all is unlawful and 
unjust ; and resistance, of course, becomes lawful 
and right. But some lords tell us seriously that 
administration must reduce the Americans to obe- 



33 L 

dience and submission ; that is, jou must make 
them absolute and infamous slaves, and then — 
what ? — we will, say they, give them full liberty. 
Aye ! — is this the nature of man ? No, my 
Lords ; I would not trust myself, American as I 
am, in this situation ; I do not think I should, in 
that case, be myself for giving them their liberty. 
No, if they submitted to such unjust, such cruel, 
such degrading slavery, — I should think they 
were made for slaves, that servility was suited to 
their nature and genius. I should think they 
would best serve this country as their slaves, — that 
their servility would be for the benefit of Great 
Britain ; and I should be for keeping such Cappa- 
docians in a state of servitude, such as was suited 
to their constitution, and might redound much to 
our advantage. 

" ' My Lords, — some noble lords talk much of 
resistance to acts of Parliament. King, Lords, and 
Commons, are fine sounding names ; — but, my 
Lords, acts of Parliament have been resisted in all 
ages. King, Lords, and Commons may become 
tyrants as well as others ; — tyranny in one or 
more, is the same ; — it is as lawful to resist the 
tyranny of many as of one. Somebody once ask- 
ed the great Mr Selden in what law book, in 



352 

what records, or archives of state, you might find 
the law for resisting tyranny. " I don't know," 
said Mr Selden, " whether it is worth your while 
to look deeply into the books upon this matter ; 
but I '11 tell you what is most certain, that it has 
always been the ' custom of England,' and the 
' custom of England' is the law of the land." 

" ' There is a gentleman, whom I need not 
name, his works are well received, and well 
known, who avoids stating any rules when resist- 
ance is lawful, and he lays down the revolution 
as the only precedent. He says, that the various 
circumstances, events, and incidents, that may 
justify, cannot be defined ; but the people at large 
will judge of their welfare and happiness, and 
act accordingly. The same writer says, that 
whenever a case, exactly similar in all its parts 
and circumstances occurs, when a case shall run 
upon all fours with that, then the law seems to 
be settled that resistance is lawful. I do not 
pretend to quote his words ; I think his meaning 
is very much as I have stated it. But, undoubt- 
edly, in cases in many respects dissimilar, but in 
equal degree tyrannical and oppressive, resistance 
may be lawful, and the people in all ages, coun- 
tries, and climes, have at times known these 



333 

things, and they have, and they will for ever act 
accordingly.' 

" Lord Shelburne in the course of his argu- 
ment said, ' My Lords, we know, — we all know, 
that justice and injustice, right and wrong, are 
not at all considered in the course of our Parlia- 
mentary proceedings. We all know, that nothing 
is debated in Parliament for information or con- 
viction, but for mere form. Every thing is con- 
sidt red in the cabinet, and brought into Parlia- 
ment not for consideration, but for the sanction of 
the legislature, and the screening the counsellors 
of the king. The measures of the Parliament 
are the measures of the minister, and the meas- 
ures of this minister are very often those of his 
commissioner.' 

" The Marquis of Rockingham also supported 
the motion. Lords Littleton, Suffolk, Gower, 
Townsend, Rochford, and Weymouth, spoke in 
opposition. 1 omit stating what their lordships 
said, lest I should be suspected by any who may 
see this journal, of an unfair report of their 
speeches. But a very remarkable saying of Lord 
Gower I cannot omit. His Lordship said, ' My 
Lords, 1 am for enforcing these measures, — 
and ' (with great sneer and contempt) ' let the 



334 

Americans sit talking about their natural and di- 
vine rights ! their rights as men and citizens ! 
their rights from God and nature ! ' 

" The Duke of Richmond, in the course of his 
speech, said, ' Some nobles seem to think that 
regular troops can easily vanquish raw soldiers. 
But, my Lords, discipline was intended only as a 
substitute for what the Americans have already, — 
attachment to their cause, — virtue to inspire, — a 
common cause, — their all, to keep them to their 
duty. Americans will keep to their duty, with- 
out discipline. They will keep to their standard 
without fear of discipline in case they desert it. 
My Lords, Americans have the substance of what 
discipline is only the shadow. Discipline is only 
the substitute for a common cause, to attach 
through fear, and keep to their ranks and standard 
those who would otherwise desert them. But, 
my Lords, suppose you succeed, you cannot en- 
force these acts ; you cannot force a form of gov- 
ernment upon any people. You may spread fire, 
sword, and desolation, but that will not be gov- 
ernment. You must change your places as you 
make your march of destruction. When you 
leave one place to subdue another, your govern- 
ment is gone.' 



335 

" ' You cannot force men to serve in office. 
You cannot force men to be counsellors, judges, 
or sheriffs. You cannot compel jurors to sit on 
trial. You cannot force juries to present offen- 
ces ; — in short, no people can ever be made to sub- 
mit to a form of government they say they will 
not receive.' 

" The house divided on the question about ten, 
after the preceding debates. 

" Contents, eighteen ; non-contents, seventy- 
seven, including proxies. 

" The Duke of Richmond, Lord Shelburne, 
and Lord Camden, pledged themselves to attend 
at all hazards, and at all times, as Lord Chatham 
had done. 

" Went from the debates to visit Hugh Baillie 
LL. D., a Scotch gentleman, of very liberal sen- 
timents, and a most zealous partizan of America. 
I supped, and returned to my lodgings, and spent 
most of the night and morning in entering the 
preceding speeches. 

" January 21st. Spent the morning with Dr 
Franklin. Dined at the exchange coffee-house 
with Messrs Bromficld and Williams, and went 
for the first time to the serious opera of Armida in 
the evening. Some parts of the music exquisitely 



336 

line, the dancing elegant indeed, but in general a 
poor entertainment for an Englishman. 

*' January 22d. Wrote to William Phillips 
Esq. — to Mrs Quincy (a very lono; letter contain- 
ing Chatham's s})eech),— and to Josiah Quincy 
Esq. Dined and spent the evening with Dr 
Franklin. 



TO JOSIAH QUINCY ESQ. 

" London^ January 22, 1775. 
"Honoured and dear Sir, * - ■ i'^- 

" I intend to say nothing more in this letter 
than that I am in health and spirits, having never 
had an ill day since my arrival in this island. I 
am here doing my duty. Last Friday was a day 
of great happiness to me ; I heard a Chatham, 
and a Camden speak, for hours, on the concerns 
of my country. 

" This lett(;r is intended to contain nothing but 
what the spies of the ministry may be willing to 
let pass ; and having gratified their own curiosity, I 
wish they may be candid and generous enough to 
let my friends gratify theirs also. 

" Your affectionate and obliged 

" JosiAH Quincy Jun." 



337 



JOURNAL CONTINUED. 



" January 23d. Attended a long debate in the 
House of Commons on American affairs. Speak- 
ers for the x\mericans : Burke, Johnston, Charles 
Fox, T. Tovvnsend, Lord J. Cavendish, Captain 
Lutterell, Alderman Sawbridge, &c. — eighty-two. 
Against the Americans : Sir William Mere- 
dith, Lord North, Lord Clare, Sir George 
Macartney, Sir G. Eliot, Lord Stanley, &;c. — total 
one hundred and ninety-seven. 

" This debate and division, show that if King, 
Lords, and Commons can subdue America into 
bondage against the almost universal sentiment, 
opinion, wish, and hope of the Englishmen of this 
island, the deed will be done. 

*' This night, for the first time since my arrival, 
I was taken very ill with a fever and spasms. 

*' January 24th. Visited by Dr Fothergill, who 
prescribed for my disorder. Was this day to have 
dined at Mr Towgood's with Dr Price, Dr Frank- 
lin, Dr Jeffries, and Dr Priestley, but my illness 
prevented that pleasure. 

*' January 25th. Visited by Dr Fothergill, 
who peremptorily refused his fee. 
43 



338 

*' Received invitations to dine on Friday at Mrs 
Huron's, Kensington, &c. and on Sunday with Mr 
Hollis. Ill health obliged me to decline both. 

" Dined with Lord Shelburne, in company with 
Lord Tankerville, Drs Franklin, Price, Priestley, 
Counsellors Dunning, Lee, Leigh, and several 
others. After a very elegant entertainment, his 
Lordship laid before us copies of the papers from 
America, now lying before the two Houses for 
their consideration. 

" January 26th. Visited by Dr Fothergill, 
and confined to my home all day. Mr Williams 
watched with me this night. 

" .January 2Tth. Visited by Dr Fothergill, 
who again refused his fee, saying, ' I consider 
this as a public cause, to which we must all con- 
tribute.' Waited upon by Mr Alderman Saw- 
bridge, who spent an hour and a half Avith me in 
conversation on American and Parliamentary con- 
cerns. Went out to reside with Mr Bromfield, 
at Islington, while in my present feeble state of 
health. Received by this amiable family, and 
treated with the greatest hospitality and kindness. 
It is now the third of February, during which 
time I have been treated in the most friendly and 
hospitable manner. 



339 

" February 3d. This day Dr Fothergill visited 
me, and gave me new prescriptions. 

" February 6th. Every day since I have been 
at Islington, I have received the greatest evidences 
of the number and attachment of my friends — 
who are many and affectionate. 

" February 9th. Visited by Dr Fothergill, 
who again absolutely refused his fees. Ever}' day 
visited by more or less of my many friends, and 
great numbers send daily to inquire after my 
health, whom I never saw. 

" February 24th. This day the celebrated 
Dr Burgh (author of 'Political Disquisitions'), 
who has seen none but his own family for many 
months, took a double dose of opium to allay the 
pain of his disease, and sent for me in, and I 
spent about an hour with him. 

" February 2Gth. Rode out for the fourth 
time on horseback about twelve or fourteen miles. 
Evidently better when I am in the open air, and 
the motion of the horse not fatiguing. My friends 
redouble in the number and frequency of their 
visits, as the time for my departure for America 
draws nigh. Among many others this past week, 
I have been visited by Drs Price, Priestley, Frank- 
lin, Messrs Rogers, Towgood, Sheriff Lee, Ar- 
thur Lee, &c. &c. 



340 

" It is a good deal against my own private 
opinion and inclination, that I now sail for Amer- 
ica. I have had no letter from there since they 
knew of my arrival. I know not what my next 
letters may contain. Besides the fine season is 
now coming on here, and Dr Fothergill thinks 
Bristol air and water would give me perfect 
health. 

" On the other hand, my most intimate friends 
(except Mr Bromfield) insist upon my going 
directly to Boston. They say, no letters can go 
with safety, and that I can deliver more informa- 
tion and advice vivu voce^ than could or ought 
to be written. They say, my going now must be 
(if I arrive safe) of great advantage to the Amer- 
ican cause. 

«' February 27th. Went to London * * * 

* February 28th. Went to Fulham in a post 
chaise with Mr Bromfield, and dined with Mr 
Abraham Dupuis, partner with Mr Thomas Brom- 
field, a very amiable, sensible friend of liberty. 

"March 1st. On this day I had about an 
hour and a half of private conversation with Dr 
Franklin, on the subject of the present situation of 
American affairs, and what course America, and 
especially New England, ought now and during 
the spring and summer to hold. 



341 

" I wish I might with propriety enter his dis- 
course. 

" March 2d. William Lee Esq., late Sheriff, 
came and spent three hours with me in conversa- 
tion on American affairs. N. B, Gen. Con. — 

Vote of credit for the raising and supporting 

for the defence of the liberties of America, in 
whatever part attacked. A proper person to 

France and Spain. 

" Supposes Boston ought to be abandoned — 
urges me much to attend tiie congress at Philadel- 
phia. 

" This day, Thomas Rogers Esq., banker near 
the Exchange, politely presented me with all 
Dr Price's works, in three volumes, elegantly 
bound. 

" March 3d. This day being the day before 
my departure, I dined with Dr Franklin, and had 
three hour's private conversation with him. Dis- 
suades from France or Spain. Intimate with both 
the Spanish and French ambassador, the latter a 
shrewd, great man. By no means take any step 
of great consequence, unless on a sudden emerg- 
ency, without advice of the continental congress. 
Explicitly, and in so many words, said, that only 
New England could hold out for ages against this 



342 

country, and if they were firm and united, in sev- 
en years would conquer them. 

*' Said, he had the best intelligence that the 
manufacturers were bitterly feeling, and loudly 
complaining of the loss of the American trade. 
Let your adherence be to the non-importation and 
non-exportation agreement a year from next Sep- 
tember, or to the next session of Parliament, and 
the day is won. 

" Received this day from my friend, Thomas 
Brand Hollis Esq., a present of eight valuable 
books, and eight pamphlets. 

" Received also two books and two pamphlets 
from that most worthy and extraordinary charac- 
ter, the Reverend Theophilus Lindsey, being the 
whole of his works. 

" Had great satisfaction in reading my reports 
of the debates of the House of Lords, to one or 
two friends who heard them. They thought them 
exceedingly correct, and were amazed at the 
blunders, omissions, and misrepresentations of the 
printed accounts." 



At this date, the Journal abruptly terminates. 
During: the remainder of his residence in London 
the habitual activity of his pen ceased, either 



343 

ihroiif^h inability consequent on sickness, or oc- 
cupation while preparing for his homeward voyage. 
In obedience to the wishes of his political friends, 
contrary to the advice of his physician, and 
in opposition to his own declared opinion that his 
recovery depended upon his remaining in England, 
he embarked for Boston, on the sixteenth of 
March 1775. 

The follo\v ing extracts from a letter written by 
him while in the English channel describe the state 
of his health and his feelings, at the commencement 
of this voyage. 



TO THOMAS BROMFIELD ESQ., LONDON. 

''March 16, 1775. 

*' March 18. Going into Plymouth Harbour. 

" Dear Bromfield, 

" Paper being scarce, I am obliged to take 

the remains of a letter I was beginning to you 
two days since, when the boat put off and left the 
ship. The sea runs high and I can scarcely 
write legibly. ********** 
A word as to my health. My cough is far 
from better, though in the day time I am troubled 
a very trifle with it. 



344 

** I wrote you I had been ill-used and deceived. 
I discover every day more instances of it. 

" If we reach into Plymouth to night, I shall 
have a thousand minds to go to Bristol. I am 
perplexed much what I ought to do. The sea 
runs so high, I must only wish you and yours, 
what my heart does every day, as its duty and 
delight, the best of blessings. 

JOSIAH QUINCY JUN. 



This letter, the last he ever wrote, was found 
among his papers ; the ship not having touched at 
Plymouth, or any other British port. The full 
import of these expressions — " I have been ill-used, 
and deceived," — cannot now be known. They 
probably referred to the want of comfortable 
arrangements, and suitable preparations for his 
accommodation on board the vessel. The only 
information his friends could obtain on this sub- 
ject, was derived from one of the inferior officers 
of the ship, to whom they were indebted for all 
that is known of the incidents of a voyage full of 
privation and suffering. After being five weeks 
at sea, the wished-for shore yet at a distance, he 
became convinced that his fate was inevitable, — 
and prepared to submit himself to the will of 



345 



Heaven with heroic calmness and christian resig- 
nation. 

Under the oppression of disease and amidst 
the daily sinking of nature, his friends, his family, 
and above all, his country, predominated in his 
affections. He repeatedly said to the seaman, on 
whose attentions he was chiefly dependant, that 
he had but one desire and one prayer, which was, 
that he might live long enough to have an inter- 
view with Samuel Adams, or Joseph Warren ; — 
that granted, he should die content. This wi-;h 
of the patriot's heart, Heaven, in its inscrutable 
wisdom, did not grant. 

As he drew towards his native shore, the 
crisis he had so long foreseen arrived. The bat- 
tle of Lexington was fought. According to his 
prediction, " his countrymen sealed their faith and 
constancy to their liberties with their blood." 
But he lived not to hear the event of that glori- 
ous day. 

While yet the ship was three days' sail from 
land, exhausted by disease, and perceiving his last 
hour approach, he called the seaman to the side of 
his birth, and being himself too weak to write, 
dictated to him a letter full of the most interesting 
and affecting communications to his family and 
44 



346 

nearest friends. This letter still exists among his 
papers, in the rude hand writing of an illiterate 
sailor. 

The following extracts, being of a general na- 
ture, are here inserted, in the language which he 
dictated. 

" At Sea, April 21, 1775. 

" Foreseeing that there will be many inexplica- 
ble circumstances in the way of my friends, to 
account for many things relating to my conduct, 
I should have been glad, if God had spared my 
life, to converse with them once more. But this, 
his holy Providence seems fully settled to deny. 
Some few matters I have prevailed with a friend 
on board to minute for their information. 

My going to America at this time was very 
considerably against my inclinations, especially as 
Doctor Fothergill was of opinion that Bristol 
waters would be of great advantage to me. But 
he did not dissuade me from going to America, 
but advised it very strongly in preference to my 
staying in London, or its environs. 

" The most Weighty motive of all that deter- 
mined my conduct, was the extreme urgency of 
about fifteen or twenty most stanch friends to 
America, and many of them the most learned and 



317 

respectable characters in tlie kingdom, ior my 
immediately proceeding; to Boston. Their senti- 
ments what ought to be the conduct of Boston, 
and of the continent, at this, and the approaching 
season, I had heard very often in the social cir- 
cle; and in what things they differed I perfectly 
knew. It appeared of high importance that the 
sentiments of such persons should be known in 
America. To commit their sentiments to writ- 
ing, was neither })racticable nor prudent at this 
time. To the bosom of a friend they could in- 
trust what migiit be of great advantage to my 
country. To me that trust was committed, and 
I was, immediately upon my arrival, to assemble 
certain persons, to whom I was to communicate 
my trust, and had God spared my life, it seems 

it would have been of great service to my country. 

*** ** ****** **** 

*** ** ** ***** ** 

* * * * Ever since I have been out, almost 
every thing has been different from what I ex- 
pected. Instead of pleasant weather, the most 
inclement and damp, u hich removes me entirely 
from the deck, and when I was flattered with the 
hope of getting into port six days ago, I am yet 
here, as distant from it as when the encourage- 



348 

ment was given me. Had Providence been pleas- 
ed that I slioiild have reached America six days 
ago, I should have been able to converse with my 
friends. J am persuaded that this vo_yage and 
passage are the instruments to put an end to my 
being. His holy will be done ! " 



" Mr Quincy is so low, that he probably will 
not be able to read a word of the foregoing, but 
it is to be hoped it will be intelligible with a little 



pains." 



Such is the last notice of the close of the life 
of Josiah Quincy Jun. On the twenty-sixth of 
April 1775, within sight of that beloved country 
which he was not permitted to reach ; neither 
supported by tlie kindness of friendship, nor 
cheered by the voice of affection, he expired ; — 
not, indeed, as, a few weeks afterwards, did his 
friend and co-patriot, Warren, in battle, on a field 
ever memorable and ever glorious ; but in solitude, 
amidst suffering, without associate, and without 
witness ; yet breathing forth a dying wish for his 
country, desiring to live only to perform towards 
her a lust and signal service. 



349 

A few hours after his death, tlie ship with his 
lifeless remains, entered the harbour of Gloucester, 
Cape Ann. 

His arrival had been anticipated with anxious 
solicitude, and the intelligence of his death was 
received with an universal sorrow. By his fam- 
ily and immediate friends, the event was mourned 
as the extinction of their brightest hope. His 
contemporaries, faithful to his virtues, and deep- 
ly sensible of his services, early associated his 
name with those most honoured and most beloved 
of the period in which he lived. It was his lot 
to compress events and exertions, sufficient for 
a long life, within the compass of a few short 
years. To live forever in the hearts of his coun- 
trymen, and by labour and virtue to become 
immortal in the memory of future times, were the 
strong passions of his soul. That he was prohib- 
ited from filling the great sphere of usefulness for 
which his intellectual powers seemed adapted 
and destined, is less a subject of regret, than it 
is of joy and gratitude that he was permitted, in 
so short a time, to perform so noble a part, and 
that to his desire has been granted so large a 
portion of " that imperishable meed," which, be- 
yond all earthly reward, was the object of his 
search and solicitude. 



350 

The distracted state of the country, and the 
military force concentrated within and about Bos- 
ton, immediately after the battle of Lexington, in- 
terrupted communication and denied to his family 
the consolation of paying the last sad tribute to 
his remains. Many of his nearest connexions 
were dispersed by the siege of Boston. His wife 
had been detained in the town by the dangerous 
illness of both their children. Their only daugh- 
ter died on the thirteenth of April, 1775. 'After 
this event, with her only remaining child, she had 
sought the protection of her parents at their place 
of refuge at Norwich in Connecticut. 

The inhabitants of Gloucester, upon whom 
devolved the melancholy duty, in performing his 
funeral rites, testified at once their own respect 
for his memory, and the public sympathy for his 
loss. 

In his will dated " February 28, 1774," after 
enumerating various legacies and tokens of re- 
membrance to his friends and relations, the follow- 
ing clause occurs : — " I give to my son, when he 
shall arrive to the age of fifteen years, Algernon 
Sidney's works, — John Locke's works, — Lord 
Bacon's works, — Gordon's Tacitus, — and Cato's 
Letters. May the spirit of liberty rest upon 
him!" 



351 

His literary and political manuscripts were 
entrusted to his wife, during the minority of his 
son, and through her careful execution of the trust 
they remain in perfect preservation. In case of 
his son's dying a minor, he bequeathed two thou- 
sand pounds sterling to Harvard University, for 
the purpose of founding a professorship of Moral 
Philosophy, Law, and Oratory. 

The executors named in this will are Francis 
Dana, Jonathan Jackson, John Adams, William 
Phillips Jun., and John Lowell. The selection 
of these individuals not only shows the high 
place they held in his esteem, but the judgment 
with which he discriminated ability and worth. 
The general voice of society has long since con- 
firmed his opinion, and these names in the pro- 
gress of years have become synonymous with 
whatever is upright and honourable. The trust 
was fulfilled Avith characteristic judgment and in- 
tegrity by his brother-in-law, William Phillips jun. 

The letter dictated by Mr Quincy in the last 
moments of his life, contained a direction that his 
remains should be deposited in a tomb which he 
ordered to be built at Braintrec. 

As soon as the theatre of the war had been trans- 
ferred to the other colonies, and Massachusetts 



352 

was left in comparative tranquillity, that request 
was complied with by his father, and his remains 
were removed from Gloucester to the burial 
ground of Brainlree, (now Quincy.) 

After the death of his widow in 1798, a monu- 
ment was erected to their memory, on which is 
the following inscription, written by John Quincy 
Adams. 



353 



Sacred 

To the memory 

of 

JOSIAH QUINCY Jun. 

Of Boston, Barrister at Law. 

Brilliant talents, uncommon eloquence, 

And indefatigable application, 

Raised him to the highest eminence in his profession. 

His early, enlightened, inflexible attachment 

To the Cause of his Country, 

Is attested by monuments more durable than this, 

And transmitted to posterity 

By well known productions of his genius. 

He was born, the 23d of February, 1744; 

And died the 26th of April 1775, 

His mortal remains are here deposited, with 

Those of Abigail, his wife, daughter of William Phillips Esq. 

of Boston, 
Born the 14th of April 1745. Died the 25th of March 1798. 

STRANGER, 

In contemplating this monument, the frail tribute 
Of filial gratitude, and affection. 

Glows thy bold breast with patriotic flame ? 
Let his example point the paths of fame ! 
Or seeks thy heai't, averse from public strife, 
The milder graces of domestic life ? 
Her kindred virtues let thy soul revere. 
And o'er the best of mothers drop a tear. 



45 



OBSERVATIONS 

ON THE 

ACT OF PARLIAMENT 

COMMONLY CALLED 
THE 

BOSTON PORT-BILL ; 

WITH 

THOUGHTS 

o N 

CIVIL SOCIETY 

AND 

STANDING ARMIES. 
By JOSIAH QUINCY, Jun'r. 



Britons arise ! •... 

And show you have the Virtue to be mov'd. 

Pope. 

NuM.A FIDES, pietasq; viris, qui CASTRA sequuntur, 
VENALEStiuE MANUS : ibi fas, ubi maxima merces. 

L0CAN. 

Our necks are under persecution. 

Lam. v. 5. 

What MAN can do against them, not afraid, 

Thvvgh to THE DEATH ; against such CRUELTIES 

With inivard consolation rccompenc'd : 

And oft supported so, as shall amaze 

1 heir proudest persecutors. Milton. 

They that be slain by the sword are better than they 
that be slain with hunger. Lam. iv. 9. 



BOSTON: N. E. 

Printed for and sold by E D E S and GILL, in 
Queen-Street, 1774. 



To THE Freeholders and Yeomanry of my 
Country. 

The virtue, strength, and fortitude of a state 
generally reside in the Freeholders of the nation. 
In you, gentlemen, as the landed interest of the 
country, do I place my confidence, under God, at 
this day. 

To you, gentlemen, therefore, I dedicate this 
temporary work, as a testimony of that great re- 
spect and warm affection, with which 
I am 

Your friend and countryman, 

JOSIAH QuiNCY JUN. 

Boston, May 14, 1774. 



PREFACE. 

The statute of the 14tli George 3d, received in 
the last ships from London, (entitled " An Act to 
discontinue, in such manner, and for such time, 
as are therein mentioned, the landing and dis- 
charging, the lading or shipping of goods, wares, 
merchandize, at the town, and within the har- 
bour of Boston, in the Province of Massachusetts 
Bay, in North America,") gave rise to the fol- 
lowing Observations. They will appear thrown 
together in haste ; and as the writer was out of 
town on business, almost every day the sheets 
were printing off, no doubt many errors of the 
press escaped correction. 

The inaccuracies of a sudden production from 
one of infirm health, perplexed with various 
avocations, will receive a mild censure : more 
material faults, friends may be prone to forgive ; 
but from enemies — public or private — we are 
never to expect indulgence or favour. 



OBSERVATIONS. 



In times of public calamity, it is the duty of a 
good citizen to consider. If his opportunities or 
advantages, for knowledge and reflection, are 
greater than those of mankind in general, his 
whole duty will remain undischarged, while he 
confines his thoughts to the compass of his own 
mind. But if danger is added to the calamity of 
the times, he who shall communicate his senti- 
ments on public affairs with decency and frank- 
ness, merits attention and indulgence, if he may 
not aspire to approbation and praise. 

Whoev er attends to the tenor and design of the 
late act of the British Parliament for the block- 
ade of this harbour, and duly considers the exten- 
sive confusion and distress this measure must 
inevitably produce ; whoever shall reflect upon 
the justice, policy, and humanity of legislators, 
who could deliberately give their sanction to such 
a procedure, — must be satisfied, that the man, 
who shall openly dare to expose their conduct, 
hazards fatal consequences. Legislators, who 
46 



362 

could condemn a whole toAvn unheard, nay uncit- 
ed to answer ; who could involve thousands in 
ruin and misery, without suggestion of any crime 
by them committed ; and who could so construct 
their law, as that enormous pains and penalties 
would inevitably ensue, notwithstanding the most 
perfect obedience to its injunctions ; I say, that 
legislators, thus formed as men, thus principled as 
statesmen, would undoubtedly imagine the attain- 
der and death of a private individual, for his pub- 
lic animadversions, a less extraordinary act of 
power.* But all exertions of duty have their 

* Since this treatise was advertised in the public papers, 
as being in the press, the author hath received, from the Brit- 
ish coffee-house, an anonymous letter, in which he is repre- 
sented as being " in imminent hazard of the loss of life and 
confiscation of estate." "You will, " says the writer, " very 
probably get into the hands of a power, from which no power 
you can look to, will be able to deliver you." There is, says 
the writer, " but one expedient left to save you : " " Era- 
ploy, for God's sake, those rare talents, with which," saith the 
artful flatterer, " he hath blessed you, in convincing the people 
that they have nothing to do, but to submit, and make their 
peace with government : — You niay,''c ontinues he, " by this 
means probably make your peace, and ward off the punish- 
ment that hangs over your head. It is barely possible, that 
government may still continue its great lenity, and over- 
look your offences." The reader is left to his own reflections. 



S63 

hazard : — if dread of parliamentary extravagance 
is to deter from public energies, the safety of the 
commonwealth will soon be despaired of; and 
when once a sentiment of that kind prevails, 
the excesses of present enormities so rapidly in- 
crease, that strides, at first appearance exorbi- 
tant, will soon be found — but the beginning of 
evils. We therefore consider it as a just observa- 
tion, that the weight and velocity of public op- 
pressions are ever in a ratio proportionate to pri- 
vate despondency and public despair. 

He who shall go about to treat of important 
and perilous concerns, and conceals himself be- 
hind the curtain of a feigned signature, gives an 
advantage to his adversaries ; who will not fail 
to stigmatize his thoughts, as the notions of an 
unknown writer, afraid or ashamed to avow his 
sentiments ; and hence they are deemed unworthy 
of notice and refutation. Therefore I give to the 
world both my sentiments and name upon the 
present occasion, and shall hear with patience 
him, wlio will decently refute what is advanced, 
and shall submit with temper to that correction 
and chastisement which my errors deserve. 

The act now under consideration opens with 
a recital, that " dangerous commotions and insur- 



364 

rections have been fomented and raised in Boston 
— by divers ill-affected persons, to the subversion 
of His Majesty's government, and to the utter 
destruction of the public peace, and good order of 
the said town ; in which commotions and insur- 
rections certain valuable cargoes of teas, being 
the property of the East India Company, and on 
board certain vessels lying vvitliin the bay or har- 
bour of Boston, were seized and destroyed ; and 
in the present condition of said town and harbour, 
the commerce of His Majesty's subjects cannot 
be safely carried on there, nor the customs pay- 
able to His Majesty be duly collected." 

Two questions naturally arise out of this pre- 
amble : the first, whether the facts set forth are 
true ; and secondly, whether upon a supposition 
of their truth, they are a sufficient foundation 
for the subsequent parts of the statute, or will 
warrant the disabilities, forfeitures, pains, and 
penalties, enacted and inflicted on the subject ? — 
Both inquiries seem intimately to concern the 
honour and justice of the British legislature. 
And however unimportant the judgment of Amer- 
icans may now appear to that august body, yet 
surely the judgment of Europe and future ages is 
not unworthy their high consideration. Removed 



365 

from the eye of- royalty, the piety of a sovereign 
may cease to pity miseries it doth not beliold ; 
remote from the cries of public justice, and the 
efforts of popular despair, lords and commons 
may remain unaffected, for a season, with Amer- 
ican convulsions ; yet justice and humanity must 
soon excite those operations in America and 
Europe, which hereafter will move even the sen- 
ate of Britain. True knowledire and real virtue 
perhaps were never more diffused than on this 
northern continent ; refined humanity (it is boast- 
ed) was never more predominant than in Europe 
at this day. Can it be supposed, that this virtue 
will be discordant and inactive ; that this knowl- 
edge will omit to unfold public wrongs, or that 
such humanity will cease to interpose ? 

That co'.Dmotions were in Boston ; that East 
India tea was destroyed, are facts not controvert- 
ed. But that such commotions were naturally to 
be expected ; that they were such as statesmen 
must have foreseen, and a father of his country, 
who foresaw, would prevent, rather than punish, 
is equally true. The sentiments of all Americans 
relative to the tea act are no secret, their fervor 
in the common cause equally known ; and their 
probable intemperance in consequence of the arri- 



366 

val of India teas, it required no profound skill in 
men and politics to predict. Naj the British 
papers were full, and the senate echoed, with 
predictions similar to those which are now ful- 
filhnl. It was not difficult for Englishmen in 
Britain to tell how Englishmen in America would 
conduct on such occasions. What shall we then 
say ? Shall we impute to those, who are digni- 
fied as " the wisest and most august, " the barba- 
rous project — deliberately to ensnare, that they 
might superlatively punish ? The calm delibera- 
tion of premeditated malice seems rather more 
characteristic of a private bosom, than a public 
body. But Governor Hutchinson (the represent- 
ative of His Majesty in this province), when 
treating upon an act of the Massachusetts govern- 
ment imposing a tax or duty upon goods of the 
inhabitants of other colonies, hath assured us, 
that " in all ages and countries, by bodies and 
communities of men such deeds have been done 
as most of the individuals of which such commu- 
nities consisted, acting separately, would have 
been ashamed of:"* — an observation that his Ex- 
cellency might have imbibed from that prince of 

*Mass. Hist. Vol. ii. p. 156. 



367 

historians, Dr Robertson. *' To abandon usurped 
power, to renounce lucrative error, are sacrifices, 
which the virtue of individuals has, on some 
occasions, offered to truth ; but from any society 
of men, no such effort can be expected. The 
corruptions of society, recommended by common 
utility, and justified by universal practice, are 
viewed by its members, without shame or horror ; 
and reformation never proceeds from themselves, 
but is always forced upon them by some foreign 
hand."* " Caesar, Lepidus, and Antony," says 
Plutarch, " show, that no beast is more savage 
than man, when possessed of power equal to his 
passion." If the sentiments of Dr Robertson are 
just, have we not cause to fear from very powerful 
states and legislators an equal ferocity ? And it 
is an observation of the illustrious Lord Claren- 
don, that it is the nature of man, rather to commit 
two errors, than to retract one. When elevated 
characters commit a second error, it carries the 
air of an intended discovery, how little they feel 
for the first, how much they despise the people, 
how much they are above shame, fear, and amend- 
meat. But to heighten cruelty by wantonness, 

* Hist. Scotland, Vol. i, p. iGf. 



368 

to render it more pungent by insult, are such ex- 
orbitances, as seldom disgrace the records of man- 
kind. But whenever such instances occur, they 
strikingly verify that eternal truth recorded in 
the House of Lords, — " It is much easier to res- 
train liberty from running into licentiousness than 
power from swelling into tyranny and oppress- 
ion."* Can it add dignit}'^ to this noble senti- 
ment, or weight to this important truth, to say, 
that among the illustrious personages who sub- 
scribed it with their hands and transmitted it to 
posterity, we find a " Chesterfield" and " Cob- 
ham," a " Strafford" and a "Bathurst," a" Hav- 
ersham" and "Gower?" 

But to return. Are popular commotions pecu- 
liar to Boston ? Hath not every maritime town 
in England been repeatedly affected by them ? 
Are they not incident to every commercial and 
populous city ? Whence then is it, that Boston 
is devoted to such unexampled treatment? But 
it may be said, Boston, as a town, hath aided, 
abetted, and participated in these tumults. Where 
is the evidence of it ? I presume the Lords and 
Commons of Great Britain had none ; for they 

* Lord's Plot. Edit. 1767. Vol. ii. p. 141. Anno 1736. 



369 

do not suggest it ; I presume they did not believe 
it, because they have not intimated it. And had 
they been furnished with such evidence, had they 
believed the fact, surely it is an imputation un- 
worthy of their dignity, to say, that they would 
not have given that matter in the preamble of the 
statute, as the ground of their extraordinary pro- 
cedure. But the records of Boston, and known 
facts, prove that the inhabitants discountenanced 
and disavowed all riot and disorder. I am thus 
warranted in saying, that the mere occurrences 
expressed in the act, is that matter which the 
British legislature have judged worthy the most 
unparalleled penal severities. Whether this judg- 
ment be right, is a subject interesting to a citizen 
of the town to inquire ; it is a subject on which 
a man will speak feelingly ; on which an English- 
man will speak freely and openly. 

Previous to further observations, it may be 
necessary to say, tiiat the town of Boston had, as 
a town, cautiously and wisely conducted itself; 
not only without tumult, but with studied regard 
to established law. This the rolls of the town 
verify, and a hundred witnesses can confirm. 

At the last town-meeting relative to the East 
India tea and its consignees, it was largely debat- 
47 



370 

ed whether it should be an instruction to the 
committee, who were appointed to wait on those 
gentlemen, to insist on their peremptory answer, 
— whether they would send back the tea ; and 
after long debate on the question, it passed by a 
very large majority in the negative. And the 
greatest enemy of the country cannot point out 
any one step of the town of Boston, in the pro- 
gress of this matter, that was lumultuous, disorder- 
ly, and against law. This also is an additional 
reason, why we must conclude that the mere 
temporary events which took place in Boston, 
without any illegal procedure of the town, in the 
matter of the tea, are, in the judgment of the Brit- 
ish senate, an adequate foundation for the last 
act received from that powerful body. 

The first enacting clause of the statute now 
in view, annihilates all commercial transactions 
within two certain points of the harbour of Bos- 
ton, upon pain of the forfeiture of " goods, wares, 
and merchandise, and of boat, lighter, ship, ves- 
sel, or other bottom ; and of the guns, ammuni- 
tion, tackle, furniture, and stores, in or belonging 
to the same ; " " and of any barge, hoy, lighter, 
wherry, or boat, into which any goods &c. are 
laden," &c. 



371 

The next paragraph, " in case any wharfinger, 
&:c. or any of their servants shall take up or land, 
or knowingly suffer to be taken up or landed, or 
shall ship off, or suffer to be water-borne, at or 
from any of their said wharves, &c. goods Sic." 
enacts a forfeiture and loss of such " goods &c. 
and treble the value thereof, to be computed at 
the highest price of such sort of goods, &c. 
together with the vessels and boats, and all the 
horses, cattle, and carriages, whatsoever, made 
use of in the shipping, unshipping, landing, re- 
moving, carriage, or conveyance of any of the 
aforesaid goods," &c. 

The next clause provides, " that if any ship &:c. 
shall be moored or lie at anchor, or be seen hov- 
ering within said bay, &c. or within one league 
from the said bay, &c. it shall and may be lawful 
for any Admiral, or commissioned officer of His 
Majesty's fleet or ships of war, or for any officer 
of His Majesty's customs, to compel such ship 
or vessel to depart to some other ])ort or harbour, 
or to such station as the said officer shall appoint, 
and to use such force for that purpose as shall be 
found necessary : and if such ship or vessel shall 
not depart accordingly within six hours after 
notice for that purpose given by such person as 



372 

aforesaid, such ship or vessel, together with all 
the goods laden on board thereon, and all the 
guns, ammunition, tackle, and furniture shall be 
forfeited and lost, whether bulk shall have been 
broken or not." 

Let us here pause for a moment ; let us give 
time for one single reflection ; let us give space for 
one pulse of the veins — one emotion of the heart. 
And who can think, but those exalted characters 
and that generous prince, styled the father of all 
his people — who united to this terrible act, had 
many reflections, many feelings of humanity, while 
they were solemnly consigning thousands — if not 
millions — to ruin, misery, and desperation ? 

The persons in whom this authority is vested 
are not confined to the ports or harbours on this 
continent : the vessel and cargo may be ordered to 
what harbour, port, or station of the whole world, 
the officer pleases — if he appoint a continental 
station, it is grace and favour ; — and what may 
be the price of that purchase, who can tell ? what 
scope for malice and ill-will; for pride and haughti- 
ness ; for avarice and power to wanton and insult, 
till the one is satiated and the other wearied ! 

Who are the persons to whom such unbounded, 
such enormous power is entrusted ? Power is 



373 

known to be intoxicating in its nature, and, in pro- 
portion to its extent, is ever prone to wantonness. 
Power and authority, says Plutarch, awaken every 
passion, and discover every latent vice. What a 
cogent temptation is here placed to insnare the 
most virtuous ? But if there be one depraved pas- 
sion in the bosom, as power gives scope and op- 
portunity, how soon will it be called forth into 
licentious exercise ? Shall I be thought going too 
far, shall I trespass upon the bounds of truth and 
decency, if I say, that some of His Majesty's 
commissioned officers, in his fleet, or ships of war • 
some officers of his customs, are not altogether 
worthy of such high confidence and trust? Are 
there not inferior commissioned officers in the 
King's ships ; are there not many of the lower 
officers of the customs, who have neither strength 
of understanding nor integrity of heart to wield 
such a mighty power ? Nay, may not I add, that 
some few (into whose hands pcradventure, the es- 
tate of a good subject and opulent merchant may 
chance to fall) arc destitute of all sense, mental 
and humane? While contemplating this subject, — 
while the mind is active, and heart warm, — how 
apt are we to forget, that the illustrious Houses, 
who gave their sanction to this astonishing law. 



374 

are dignified as learned and venerable ; and the 
Prince that gave his fiat, denominated — " The 
wisest and best of Kings ?" 

Declining an entrance upon matters heretofore 
discussed bj abler heads, 1 have omitted all obser- 
vation on the right and policy of the claims and 
laws of Great Britain over the colonies ; upon the 
same principle I waive entering that copious field 
which is presented, by that part of the present act, 
which provides for the recovery of all forfeitures 
and penalties in the courts of admiralty, — whose 
extended jurisdiction hath been matter of very 
great grievance, heart-burnings, and complaint ; 
whose judges hold their commissions by the tenure 
of will and pleasure ; and whose large salaries are 
a most powerful incentive to the desire of — well- 
pleasing all on whom they depend. 

Another passage in this statute makes utterly 
void all contracts, " for consigning, shipping, or 
carrying any goods &c. to or from the harbour 
of Boston, which have been made or entered into, 
or which shall be made or entered into, so long as 
the act continues in force, relating to any ship 
which shall arrive at said town or harbour after 
the first day of June." 



375 

Jurisprudents and tlie sages of the law for cen- 
turies have taught, that retrospective ov post facto 
statutes, were not only militant with the principles 
of sound morals, but those also of political wisdom. 
But the Parliament, who by the bold figure of 
common lawyers are styled omnipotent, here en- 
force a different doctrine. The English colonist, 
replete with loyalty to his sovereign ; the descend- 
ant from Britain, animated by love for a mother 
country, represses the excursions of his under- 
standing and passions : but the subject or native 
of another state will feel no such restraint. He 
has contracted to send his merchandise to this port, 
expects his returns in the commodities of the 
country — in compliance with his obligations, his 
treasures are moving with hazard upon the ocean, 
with hopes warm for gain. The ship (in which 
perad venture he hath risked his life as well as 
fortune), after many a toil and jeopardy, reaches 
the destined port. But how are his hopes baffled — 
how will he rage and exclaim, vast ha e beea 
his expenses to prepare for his adventure, and 
equally great his expectations from the Boston 
merchant ! What guilt hath he contracted, what 
crime hath he committed, that he also should be 
involved in the calamitous consequences of this 



376 

unexampled statute ? Buoyed up for a moment, 
perhaps, with a vain expectation, that he may 
have a remedy on his contract against the mer- 
chant here ; — how will this supposed foreigner 
sink with a ten-foh) despondency ; how will he rise 
again with adequate indignation, when he discovers 
all remedy gone ; — his contract declared by the 
law, " utterly void, to all intents and purposes 
whatsoever ! " Here again, love for a parent 
country, love for a parent king, checks the current 
of reason, and restrains the career of passion. 

Having taken this view, before we proceed fur- 
ther, it is natural once more to ask, whence arose 
this extraordinary stride of legislation ? what is it, 
that the town of Boston hath done ? what new 
and unheard of crimes have the inhabitants com- 
mitted, to justify the enacting of such disabilities, 
forfeitures, pains, and penalties ? Punishments that 
descend indiscriminately on all, ought to have the 
sanction of unerring wisdom and almighty power, 
or it will be questioned, if not opposed. The 
present vengeance falls indiscriminately on the 
acknowledged innocent, as well as the supposed 
guilty. Surely the evil is of a very malignant 
and terrible nature, that can require such an extra- 
ordinary remedy. Admit for a moment, that the 



377 

inhabitants of Boston were charged as high crim- 
inals ; the highest criminals are not punishable, 
till arraigned before disinterested judges, heard in 
defence, and found guilty of the charge. But so 
far from all this, a whole people are accused, 
prosecuted by they know not whom ; tried they 
know not when ; proved guilty they know not 
how ; and sentenced in a mode, which for number 
of calamities, extent and duration of severity, ex- 
ceeds the annals of past ages, and, we presume 
in pity to mankind, will not mark any future era 
in the story of the world. 

Wliat will be the real consequences of this as- 
tonishing measure, and what those intended and 
expected by the planners of it, are very different 
considerations. A Machiavel may plan, and his 
schemes prove abortive ; an Alva may be sent to 
execute, and his army be defeated. The circle of 
the arts and sciences, like the ball of empire, hath 
held a western course. From Chaldea and Egypt 
to Greece and Rome, and thence to the west- 
ern provinces of Europe. Chaldea and Egypt 
had their magi, thoir law-givers, and heroes, 
when Greece and Rome swarmed with petty 
feudatories and barbarians ; Greece and Rome 
flourished in literature, when Gaul, Germany, 
48 



S78 

and Britain were uncivilized, rude, and igno- 
rant. Wise and sagacious politicians have not 
been able to stay the rotation of this revolving 
scientific circle, any more than mighty potentates 
to repel the velocity of the fl>ing ball of empire : 
— superior to human powers, like blazing stars, 
they hold their destined course, and play their 
coruscations as they run their race. 

The expectations of those who were the fautors 
of the present measures, must have been to bring 
down superlative distress, discord, confusion, des- 
pair, and perdition upon a multitude. How then 
will our amazement increase, when we shall hear 
that the hard fate of this multitude cannot be 
avoided ? Let the inhabitants conrply with the re- 
quisitions of the statute ; let them be implicitly 
obedient to its injunctions ; — what is the evil they 
will escape ? what is the boon they may hope to 
attain ? Hope and fear are said to be the hinges of 
government. Legislators have therefore consider- 
ed it as sound policy, nevei^' to drive the subject 
into acts of despair, by causing punishments to 
appear as inevitable, on the first promulgation of a 
law. When a legislative body ordaineth penal- 
ties to take place in cases of performance or non- 
performance of particular matters, they surely will 



379 

take due care, that sufficient notice is given of 
their public will, and sufficient time to comply with 
their mandates ; so that obedience may not only 
proceed from principles of regard to the law- 
makers, but motives of personal safety to the 
subject himself. This seems not more consonant 
to political wisdom, than to nature and equity. 
But let us now suppose, that upon the first inti- 
mations of the present law, Boston had been as 
prone to obey the edict of a British court, as the 
Turk to comply with the mandate of the Divan ; 
let us imagine them as servile, as fawning as a 
court dependant to a minister of state ; — nay, if 
there be any thing in nature yet more humble 
and more base, let Boston (in idea for a short 
moment) be that humble, servile, base, and fawning 
something : What doth it all avail ? The first 
time the inhabitants of this town had any intima- 
tion of the will of the British Parliament, was 
on the tenth of May, and the act is to take place 
on the first of June ; and thence to continue in 
full force, until it shall sufficiently " appear to His 
Majesty, that full satisfaction hath been made by 
or on behalf of the inhabitants of the said town 
of Boston, to the united company of merchants of 
England, trading to the East Indies, for the damage 



380 

sustained by the said company by the destruction 
of their goods sent to tlie said town of Boston, 
on board certain ships or vessels as aforesaid ; 
and until it shall be certified to His Majesty in 
council by the Governor, or Lieutenant Governor, 
of the said provnice, that reasonable satisfaction 
hath been made to the officers of His Majesty's 
revenue, and others who suffered by the riots and 
insurrections above mentioned, in the months of 
November and December in the year 1773, and in 
the month of January in the year 1774." 

Satisfaction could not be made to the East 
India company, if all Boston had the will and 
power to do it, till the town had time and oppor- 
tunity to call a meeting, assemble, consult, and 
determine upon the measure. Great bodies are 
not calculated for speedy decision, any more than 
velocity of motion. The resolution formed, time 
must be given lor despatches to England, applica- 
tion to the East-India company, an adjustment 
with them upon the nice point of " full satisfac- 
tion :" — that accomplished, time must be given 
for making the matter " sufficiently appear to Kis 
Majesty." Let any one consider but for a mo- 
ment, what a length of time must inevitably elapse 
before all this can be accomplished : nay, may it 



381 

not well be questioned, considering the parties and 
all persons concerned and the circumstances of this 
affair, whether such accomplishment be practica- 
ble ? But is this all that is to be done and effect- 
ed before relief can be given to this distressed 
land ? Far otherwise. " The Governor, or 
Lieutenant Governor, must also first certify to 
His Majesty in council, that reasonable satis- 
faction hath been made to the officers of His 
Majesty's revenue, and others, who suffered by 
the riots and insurrections above mentioned." 
No person is particularly designated to be the 
judge between the subject and the officers of 
His Majesty's revenue. No provision being ex- 
pressly made, touching this point, how probable 
that litigation might arise concerning it ? If we 
say that the Governor, or Lieutenant Governor, 
is the implied judge of this matter ; how is the 
question to be brought before him, how tried, and 
how adjusted ? These also are points not settled 
in a moment. Long indeed would be the period 
before the subject in Boston would be able to as- 
certain and make such satisfaction, and as long 
beibre tlie person here pointed out would make 
his certificate, that it was plenary and reasonable. 
Governor Bernard lately filled the chair of govern- 



S82 

ment, while Mr Hutchinson was second in com- 
mand. Governor Hutchison now fills the chair, 
and the office of Lieutenant Governor is vacant. 
How long would it be before the inhabitants of 
Boston won hi acquiesce in the decision of either 
of these gentlemen ? How little probability is there, 
considering the sentiments, the past and present 
conduct of these gentlemen, that they would 
speedily give the required certificate ? If it hath 
been found difficult to touch the tender feelings of 
the American and native, how long would it take 
to excite generous sentiments in the Briton and 
stranger ? 

But these are all preparatories to the obtaining 
any ease or relief from the pressure of this penal 
law. The prerequisites to the restoration of pub- 
lic felicity are here not only improbable, but when 
considered all together and in the present crisis of 
public affairs, are they not impracticable ? But, 
yet worse, being accomplished, it could in no way 
prevent the misery and calamhies of this British 
edict. The space given for the subject to stay 
this torrent of evils is so short, that it is impos- 
sible for him, exerting his utmost energies, to 
prevent being overwhelmed. (But what mortals 
are unable to prevent — Heaven may stay or 
divert.) 



383 

An avenue seems to be opened by the benio^nity 
of our British fathers ; but when attempted, affords 
no way of escape. My veneration for Britain is 
so great, that I will not suppose the great council 
of the nation intended to flatter with a false hope, 
that cruel disappointment might heighten the 
poignancy of sufftMing — the anguish of despair. 
But surely the fathers of a people will consider, 
what are like to be the sentiments and conduct of 
men driven to distraction by a multitude of in- 
evitable evils, and consigned to despair from the 
terms of their deliverance ? 

Wonder was excited on the first view of the 
present law ; our astonishment hath been increas- 
ing in the progress of our survey. A period is 
not yet put to our admiration. The faculties of 
sensation are yet to be further stretched. 

The civilian and statesman, the moralist and 
sage, had heretofore delivered those maxims of 
truth and those rules of government, which wise 
legislators have ever observed, and the bulk of 
mankind yet honour and revere. To know the law^s 
of the land already in force, previous to the publica- 
tion of a new code, or in the technical phraseology' 
of a common lawyer, " to know how the law stood 
before we make a new statute," hath been consid- 



384 

ered as an indispensable accomplishment of a good 
legislator. But that illustrious Parliament, whose 
power is distinguished with the appellation of 
" omnipotent," seem not to have exercised this 
important knowledge ; — though we do not hence 
rashly infer, that they are destitute of information, 
because all who are vested with omnipotence of 
power are ever inspired with proportionate wis- 
dom. 

It must again be noticed, that no relief is to be 
had, " until full satisfaction hath been made by or 
on behalf of the inhabitants of the said town of 
Boston." Now to suppose that any in England 
or Europe would make satisfaction " on behalf" 
of said inhabitants was unnatural, if not absurd ; 
but what is more to the point, it was certainly un- 
parliamentary. The remaining alternative is, — 
that satisfaction must be made by Boston. 

Every person knows, that towns in this Pro- 
vince cannot raise or appropriate any monies, but 
by the express provisions and direct authority of 
law. It is a matter of equal notoriety, that all 
town assessments of money are expressly confined, 
by the 4 Wm. & Mar. c. 13, to the " maintenance 
and support of the ministry, schools, the poor, and 
defraying of other necessary town charges :" a 



385 

law which received the royal approbation, almost 
a century ago. 

Will any now say, that the monies appointed 
to be paid to the East India house come within the 
words of " necessary town charges ? " When did 
the town contract the debt, or how are they subject 
to the payment of it ? Had the parliament seen 
fit to enact, that monies requisite to satisfy the 
India merchants, should be so considered ; two 
questions (not of quick decision) might then have 
arisen ; — the one touching the validity and obliga- 
tory force of the statute ; the other, whether it 
would then come within the intent and design of 
the Province law. For, past doubt, our Provin- 
cial legislators had no such charge (as the one here 
supposed) in view, when they made the law of 
William and Mary ; and in this way therefore the 
matter could not be brought within its provision. 
Parliament must then make a new act to enable 
and empower Boston to pay the India company, 
before the town can comply with the terms of 
relief of their trade. In the mean while, what is 
to be the situation of Boston and the inhabitants 
of the globe with whom they have such extensive 
connexions? But it is very aj)parent, that the 
Parliament have not as yet enacted the payment 
49 



386 

of this satisfaction as a town charge. They have 
only placed it in the option of the town to make 
that payment, or submit to the consequences. 
That payment, we affirm, they cannot make 
without a breach of the law of the kind. New and 
unheard-of, therefore, is the state of this people. 
They must sustain the severest afflictions, they must 
stand the issue of distracting remedies, or violate 
one of the most known and practised laws of the 
land ! Let us search the history of the world ; 
let us inspect the records of a Spanish inquisition; 
let us enter the recesses of an Ottoman court ; 
nay, let us traverse the regions of romance and 
fable ; — where shall we find a parallel ? 

" When the Hungarians were called rebels first, 
they were called so for no other reason than this," 
says the elegant Lord Bolingbroke, " that they 
would not be slaves." But for Britons, when 
they would not venture to call their children 
rebels, that they should treat them as worse than 
rebels, was reserved to distinguish an age of vaunt- 
ed light, humanity, and knowledge, — the t ra of a 
King, who prides himself as born and bred a 
Briton! 

To complain of the enormities of power, to ex- 
postulate with over-grown oppressors, hath in all 



387 

ages been flenominated sedition and faction ; and 
to turn upon tyrants, treason and rebellion. But 
tyrants are rebels against the first laws of Heaven 
and Society : to oppose their ravages is an instinct 
of nature — the inspiration of God in the heart 
of man. In the noble resistance which mankind 
make to exorbitant ambition and power, they 
always feel that divine afflatus, which, paramount 
to every thing human, causes them to consider the 
Lord of Hosts as their leader, and his angels as 
fellow-soldiers. Trumpets arc to them joyful 
sounds, and the ensigns of war, the banners of 
God. Their wounds are bound up in the oil of 
a good cause ; sudden death is to them present 
martyrdom, and funeral obsequies resurrections 
to eternal honour and glory, — their widows and 
babes, being received into the arms of a compas- 
sionate God, and their names enrolled among 
David's worthies : — greatest losses are to them 
greatest gains ; for they leave the troubles of their 
warfare to lie down on beds of eternal rest and 
felicity. 

There are other parts of the act now before us, 
which merit notice ; particularly that relative to 
the prosecution of suits in the ordinary courts of 
law, " for any thing done in pursuance of the act ;" 



388 

by which the defendant is enabled " to plead the 
general issue, and give the act, and the general 
matter, in evidence ;" whereupon it follows, that 
" if it shall appear so to have been done, the jury 
shall find for the defendant;" who, by an after 
clause, is to " recover treble costs." From this 
passage some have been led to conclude, that the 
appearance of this matter was to be to the judge ; 
and that if it had that appearance to him, and he 
should direct the jury accordingly, however it 
might appear to the jury, they must follow the 
directions of the judge, and acquit the defendant. 
But this is a construction, which, as the words do 
not necessarily carry that meaning, I will not per- 
mit myself to suppose the design of the law. 
However the late donations of large salaries by 
the crown, to the justices of our Superior Courts, 
who are nominated by the Governor, and hold 
their commission durante beneplacito, have not a 
little contributed to the preceding apprehension. 
Another passage makes provision for " assiirnins" 
and appointing such and so many open places, 
quays, and wharfs, within the said harbour, creeks, 
havens, and islands, for the landing, discharging, 
lading, and shipping of goods, as his Majesty, his 
heirs, or successors, shall judge necessary and 



389 

expedient ;" and also for " appointing such and 
so many officers of the customs therein, as his 
Majesty shall think fit ; after which it shall be 
lawful for any person or persons to lade or put 
off from, or to discharge and land upon, such 
wharfs, quays, and places, so appointed within 
the said harbour, and none other, any goods, 
wares, and merchandise whatsoever." By which 
the property of many private individuals is to be 
rendered useless, and worse than useless ; as the 
possession of a thing aggravates the misfortune of 
those who are deprived of a capacity to enjoy. 
But if the property of some few is to be rendered 
nothing worth, so that of many others is to be 
openly invaded. But why should we dwell up- 
on private wrongs, while those of the multitude 
call for all our attention ? 

If any should now say, we are a commercial 
people, commercial plans can only save us ; if any 
think that the ideas of the merchant are at this 
day to give spring to our nerves and vigour to 
our actions ; if any say, that empire in this age of 
the world, is only founded in commerce : — let him 
show me the people emancipated from oppression 
by commercial principles and measures : let him 
point me that unexplored land, where trade and 



390 

slavery flourish together. Till then, I must hold 
a different creed ; and believe — that though com- 
mercial views may not be altogether unprofitable, 
that though commercial plans may do much, they 
never can do all. AVith regard, then, to how much 
the merchant, the artificer, the citizen, and the 
husbandman may do, let us no longer differ. But 
let every one apply his strength and abilities to 
that mighty burden, which, unless removed, must 
crush us all. Americans have one common in- 
terest to unite them ; that interest must cement 
them. Natural allies, they have published to the 
world professions of reciprocal esteem and confi- 
dence, aid and assistance ; they have pledged 
their faith of mutual friendship and alliance. 
Not only common danger, bondage, and dis- 
grace ; but national truth and honour conspire to 
make the colonists resolve to — stand or fall to- 
gether. 

Americans never were destitute of discernment ; 
they have never been grossly deficient in virtue. 
A small share of sagacity is now needful to dis- 
cover the insidious art of our enemies ; the small- 
est spark of virtue will on this occasion kindle in- 
to flame. 



391 

Will the little temporary advantage held forth 
for delusion, seduce them from their duty ? Will 
they not evidence at this time, how^ much they 
despise the commercial bribe of a British ministry ; 
and testify to the world that they do not vail to 
the most glorious of the ancients, in love of freedom 
and sternness of virtue ? But as to the inhabitants 
of this province, how great are the number, how 
weighty the considerations to actuate their con- 
duct ? Not a town in this colony, but have breath- 
ed the warmest declarations of attachment to their 
rights, union in their defence, and perseverance to 
the end. Should any one maritime town (for 
more than one I will not believe there can be), 
allured by the expectations of gain, refuse to lend 
their aid ; entertaining the base idea of build- 
ing themselves upon the ruins of this metropolis, 
and, in the chain of future events, on the destruc- 
tion of all America ; — what shall we say ? — hours 
of bitter reflection will come, when their owrf 
feelings shall excite consideration ; when remem- 
brance of the past, and expectation of the future, 
shall fill up the measure of their sorrow and an- 
guish. But I turn from the idea, which blasts my 
country with infamy — my species with disgrace. 

The intelligent reader must have noticed, that 



392 

through the whole of the act of Parliament, there 
is no suggestion that the East India company had 
made any demand for damage done to their prop- 
erty : — if the company supposed they had receiv- 
ed injury, it doth not appear whom they consider 
as guilty, and much less, that they had alleged 
any charge against the town of Boston. But I 
presume that if that company were intitled to 
receive a recompense from the town, until they 
prosecuted their demand they are supposed to waive 
it. And we cannot but imagine, that this is the 
first instance, where Parliament hath ordered one 
subject to pay a satisfaction to another, when the 
party aggrieved did not appear to make his regular 
claim ; and much more uncommon is it, for such 
recompense to be ordered without ascertaining the 
amount to which the satisfaction shall extend. 

But if the East India company were now made 
easy, and Boston reduced to perfect silence and 
humiliation ; how many " others" are there, who 
would suggest, that they " suffered by the riots 
and insurrections abovementioned," and demand 
" reasonable satisfaction " therefor. The singular 
texture, uncertainty, looseness, and ambiguity of this 
phrase in the statute seems so calculated for dis- 
pute, such an eternal bar to a full compliance with 



393 

the requisitions of the act, and of course to render 
permanent its evils, that I cannot speak upon the 
subject without trespassing upon those bounds of 
respect anil decency, within the circle of which 
I have endeavoured to move. 

Here, waiving further particular consideration of 
that subject which gave origin to this performance, 
I shall proceed to an equally interesting subject — 
that of standing armies and civil society. 



The faculty of intelligence may be considered as 
the first gift of God ; its due exercise is the hap- 
piness and honour of man ; its abuse, his calami- 
ty and disgrace. The most trifling duty is not 
properly discharged without the exertion of this 
noble faculty ; yet how often does it lie dormant, 
while the highest concernments are in issue ? Be- 
lieve me, my countrymen, the labor of examin- 
ing for ourselves, or great imposition, must be sub- 
mitted to ; there is no other alternative : and unless 
we weigh and consider what we examine, little 
benefit will result from research. We are at this 
extraordinary crisis called to view the most melan- 
choly events of our day : the scene is unpleasant 
to the eye, but its contemplation will be useful, 
50 



394 

if our thoughts terminate with judgment, resolution, 
and spirit. 

If at this period of public affairs, we do not 
think, deliberate, and determine like men — men of 
minds to conceive, hearts to feel, and virtue to 
act, — what are we to do ? — to gaze upon our bond- 
age ? while our enemies throw about firebrands, 
arrows, and death, and play their tricks of desper- 
ation with the gambols of sport and wantonness. 

The proper object of society and civil institu- 
tions is the advancement of " the greatest happiness 
of the greatest number." The people (as a body, 
being never interested to injure themselves and 
uniformly desirous of the general welfare) have ever 
made this collective felicity the object of their wish- 
es and pursuit. But strange, as it may seem, what 
the many through successive ages have desired and 
sought, the few have found means to baffle and 
defeat. The necessity of the acquisition hath been 
conspicuous to the rudest mind ; but man, incon- 
siderate that, " in every society, there is an effort 
constantly tending to confer on one part the height 
of power, and to reduce the other to the extreme of 
weakness and misery,"* hath abandoned the most 



* Marquis Beccaria. 



395 

important concerns of civil society to the caprice 
and control of those, whose elevation caused them 
to forget their pristine equality, and whose inter- 
est urged them to degrade the best and most useful 
below the worst and most unprofitable of the spe- 
cies.* Against this exertion, and the principle 
which originates it, no vigilance can be too sharp, 
no determination too severe. 

But alas ! as if born to delude and be deluded— 
to believe whatever is taught, and bear all that 
is imposed — successive impositions, wrongs, and 
insults awaken neither the sense of injury nor spirit 
of revenge. Fascinations and enchantments, chain 
and fetters, bind in adamant the understanding and 
passions of the human race. Ages follow ages, 
pointing the way to study wisdom, — but the charm 
continu(3s. 

Sanctified by authority and armed with power, 
error and usurpation bid defiance to truth and 

* " The modes of government which have been imposed on 
credulous man, have been not only deficient in producing the 
just ends of government, viz. the full and impartial security 
of the rights of nature ; but also, have been rather formida- 
ble and dangerous cabals against the peace, happiness, and 
dignity of society." Macaulay's Observations on Burke's 
Thoughts, &c. Edit. 5. p. 10. 



396 

right, while the bulk of mankind sit gazing at the 
monster of their own creation : — a monster,* to 
which their follies and vices gave origin, and their 
depravity and cowardice continue in existence. 

" The greatest happiness of the greastest num- 
ber" being the object and bond of society, the 
establishment of truth and justice ought to be the 
basis of civil policy and jurisprudence. But this 
capital establishment can never be attained in a 
state where there exists a power superior to the civil 
magistrate and sufficic nt to control the authority of 
the laws. Whenever therefore the profession of 
arms becomes a distinct order in the state, and a 
standing army part of the constitution, we are not 
scrupulous to aftirm, that the end of the social 
compact is defeated, and the nation called to act 
upon the grand question consequent upon such an 
event. 

The people who compose the society (for whose 
security the labour of its institution was perform- 
ed, and of the toils its preservation daily sustained), 

* " This (standing army) is a monster, that will devour all 
your liberties and properties — there is a time for all men to 
speak, and now, when our liberties are at stake, duty to God, 
our prince, and country forbid to be silent." Sir John Ilotham's 
speech in Parliament 1673. Grey's Debates, vol. ii. p. 391. 



397 

the people, I say, are the only competent judges 
of their own welfare, and, therefore, are the only 
suitable authority to determine touching the great 
end of their subjection and their sacrifices. This 
position leads us to two others, not impertinent 
on this occasion, because of much importance to 
Americans : — 

That the legislative body of tlie commonwealth 
ought to deliberate, determine, and make their de- 
crees in places where the legislators may easily 
know from their own observation the wants and 
exigencies, the sentiments and will, the good and 
happiness of the people ; and the people as easily 
know the deliberations, motives, designs, and con- 
duct of their legislators, before their statutes and 
ordinances actually go forth and take effect : — 

That every member of the legislature ought 
himself to be so far subject in his person and prop- 
erty to the laws of the state, as to immediately 
and effectually feel every mischief and inconven- 
ience resulting from all and every act of legisla- 
tion. 

The science of man and society, being the most 
extended in its jiature, and the most important 
in its consequences, of any in the circle of erudi- 
tion, ought to be an object of universal attention 



398 

and study. Was it made so, the rights of mankind 
would not remain buried for ages under systems 
of civil and priestly hierarchy, nor social felicity 
overwhelmed by lawless domination. 

Under appearances the most venerable and in- 
stitutions the most revered ; under the sanctity of 
religion, the dignity of government, and the smiles 
of beneficence, do the subtle and ambitious make 
their first encroachments upon their species. 
Watch and oppose ought therefore to be the motto 
of mankind. A nation in its best estate — guarded 
by good laws, fraught with public virtue, and steel- 
ed with martial courage — may resemble Achilles : 
but Achilles was wounded in the heel. The least 
point left unguarded the foe enters : — latent evils 
are the most danssrous — for we often receive the 
mortal wound, while we are flattered with security. 

The experience of all ages shows that mankind 
are inattentive to the calamities of others, careless 
of admonition, and with difficulty roused to repel 
the most injurious invasions. " I perceive," said 
the great patriot Cicero to his countrymen, "an 
inclination for tyranny in all Caesar projects and 
executes."* Notw^ithstanding this friendly cau- 

* Pint. Life of Ciesar. 



399 

tion, not " till it was too late did the people 
find out, that no beginnings, however small, are 
to be neglected."* For that Caesar, who at first 
attacked the commonwealth with mines, very soon 
opened his batteries. f Encroachments upon the 
rights and property of the citizen are like the roll- 
ings of mighty waters over the breach of ancient 
mounds; slow and unalarming at the beginning; 
rapid and terrible in the current ; a deluge and de- 
vastation at the end. Behold the oak, which 
stretcheth itself to the mountains, and overshadows 
the vallies, was once an acorn in the bowels of the 
earth. Slavery, my friends, which was yesterday 
ingrafted among you, already overspreads the land, 
extending its arms to the ocean, and its limbs to 
the rivers. Unclean and voracious animals, under 
its covert, find protection and food ; — but the 
shade blastcth the green herb, and the root there- 
of poisoneth the dry ground, while the winds 
which wave its branches scatter pestilence and 
death. 

Regular government is necessary to the preserv- 
ation of private property, and personal security. 
Without these, men will descend into barbarism, or 

* Plut. Life of Cfesar. f lb. 



40P 

at best become adepts in humiliation and servility ; 
but tliey will never make a progress in litera- 
ture or the useful arts. Surely a proficiency in 
arts and sciences is of some value to mankind, and 
deserves some consideration. What regular gov- 
ernment can America enjoy with a legislative a 
thousand leagues distant, unacquainted with her 
exigencies, militant in interest, and unfeeling of 
her calamities ? What protection of property — 
when ministers under this authority shall overrun 
the land with mercenary legions ? What personal 
safety, when a British administration — (such as 
it now is, and corrupt as it may be) — pour arm- 
ies into the capital and senate-house, point their 
artillery against the tribunal of justice, and plant 
weapons of death at the posts of our doors ? * 

Thus exposed to the power, and insulted by the 
arms of Britain — standing armies become an ob- 
ject of serious attention. And as the history of 
mankind affords no instance of successful and con- 
firmed tyranny, without the aid of military forces, 
we shall not wonder to find them the desiderata 
of princes, and the grand object of modern policy. 
What though they subdue every generous passion, 

* All this, and much more, hath Boston been witness to. 



401 

and extinguish every spark of virtue — all this must 
be done, before empires will submit to be exhaust- 
ed bv tribute and plundered with impunity. 

Amidst all the devices of man to the prejudice 
of his species, the institution of which we treat 
hath proved the most extensively fatal to religion, 
morals, and social happiness. Founded in the most 
malevolent dispositions of the human breast, dis- 
guised by the policy of state, supported by the 
lusts of ambition, the sword hath spread havock 
and misery throughout the world. By the aid 
of mercenary troops, the sinews of war, the prop- 
erty of the subject, the life of the commonwealth 
have been committed to the hands of hirelings, 
whose interest and very existence depend on an 
abuse of their power. In the lower class of life, 
standing armies have introduced brutal debauch- 
ery and real cowardice ; in the higher orders of 
state, venal haughtiness and extravagant dissipa- 
tion. In short, whatever are the concomitants 
of despotism, w hatever the appendages of oppres- 
sion, this armed monster hath spawned or nurtur- 
ed, protected or established ; — monuments and 
scourges of the folly and turpitude of man. 

Review the armament of modern princes : — 
what sentiments actuate the military body ? what 
51 



402 

characters compose it ? Is there a private sentinel 
of all the innumerable troops that make so bril- 
liant a figure, who would not for want of property 
have been driven from a Roman cohort, when 
soldiers were the defenders of liberty ? * 

Booty, and blind submission, is the science of 
the camp. When lust, rapacity, or resentment, 
incites, whole battalions proceed to outrage. Do 
their leaders command — obedience must follow. 
" Private soldiers," said Tiberius Gracchus from 
the Roman rostrum, " fight and die to advance 
the wealth and luxury of the great."! " Sol- 
diers," said an eminent Puritan, in his sermon, 
preached in this country more than a hundred and 
thirty years ago, " are commonly men who fight 
themselves fearlessly into the mouth of hell for 
revenge, a booty, or a little revenue : — a day of 
battle is a day of harvest for the devil." Soldiers, 
like men, are much the same in every age and 
country. 

" Heroes are much the same, the point 's agreed, 
From Macedonia's madman to the Swede." 

What will they not fight for, — whom will they 
not fight against ? Are these men, who take up 

* See Rousseau's Social Comp. 202. 
t Plut. Life of Tib. Grac. 



403 

arms with a view to defend their country and its 
laws ? Do the ideas or the feelings of the citi- 
zen actuate a British private on entering the 
camp ? * Excitements, generous and noble like 
these, are far from being the stimuli of a modern 
phalanx. The general of an army, habituated to 
uncontrolled command, feels himself absolute ; he 
forgets his superiors,! or rather despises that civil 
authority, which is destitute of an energy to 
compel his obedience. His soldiers (who look up 
to him as their sovereign, and to their officers as 
magistrates) lose the sentiments of the chizen, 
and contemn the laws. Thus a will and a power 
to tyrannize, become united ; and the effects are 
as inevitable and fatal in the political, as the 
moral world. 

The soldiers of Great Britain are by the muti- 
ny act deprived of those legal rights which belong 
to the meanest of their fellow-subjects, and even 
to the vilest malefactor.! Thus divested of those 

* See 1 Black. Com. p. 307- 

t '• It is grown a principle among the army (an ill nursery 
for young men), that Parliaments are roots of rebellion." 
Sir John Hotham in the House of Commons, iGjo. Grey's 
Debates in Parliament, Vol. ii. p. 203. 

I Lds. Prot. Vol. i. p. 280. Anuo 1717. 



404 

lights and privileges which render Britons the 
envy of all other nations, and liable to such hard- 
ships and punishments as the limits and mercy 
of our known laws utterly disallow ; it may well 
be thought they are persons best prepared and 
most easily tempted to strip others of their rights, 
having already lost their own.* Excluded, there- 
fore, from the enjoyments which others possess, 
they envy and hate the rest of the community, 
and indulge a malignant pleasure in destroying 
those privileges to which they can never be admit- 
ted, f How eminently does modern observation 
verify that sentiment of Baron Montesquieu, " A 
slave living among freemen will soon become a 
beast, t 

A very small knowledge of the human breast, 
and a little consideration of the ends for which 
we form into societies and commonwealths, dis- 
cover the impropriety and danger of admitting 
such an order of men to obtain an establishment 
in the state ; the annals and experience of every 
age show, that it is not only absurdity and folly, 
but distraction and madness. But we in this 

*Sce Lds. Prot. Vol. i. p. 283. Anno 1717. 
tMontosq. Sp. Laws, 15, 12 ; and I Black. Com. 416. 
rSce Sp. Laws, 348. 2 Edit. 



405 

region of the earth have not only to dread and 
struggle with the natural and common calamities 
resulting from such military bodies, but the 
combined dangers arising from an army of for- 
eigners, stationed in the very bowels of the land. 
Infatuated Britons have been told, and as often 
deceived, that an army of natives would never 
oppress their own countrymen. But Caesar and 
Cromwell, and an hundred others, have enslaved 
their country with such kind of forces. And 
who does not know that subalterns are implicitly 
obedient to their officers ; who, when they be- 
come obnoxious are easily changed ; as armies, to 
serve the purposes of ambition and power, are 
soon new modelled. But as to America, the ar- 
mies which infest her shores, are in every view for- 
eigners, disconnected with her in interest, kindred, 
and other social alliances ; who have nothing to 
lose, but every thing to gain, by butchering and 
oi)pressing her inhabitants. But yet worse ; — 
iheir inroads arc to be palliated, their outrages 
are to receive a sanction and defence from a 
Parliament whose claims and decrees are as un- 
righteous, as the administration is corrupt ; as 
boundless as their ambition, and as terrible as 
their power. The usurpation and tyranny of the 



406 

Decemviri of Rome are represented as singularly 
odious and oppressive ; but even they never as- 
sumed what Britain, in the face of all mankind, 
hath avowed and exercised over the colonies ; — 
the power of passing laws merely on her own 
authority. " Nothing that we propose," said 
they to the people, " can pass into a law without 
your consent. Be yourselves, ye Romans, the 
authors of those laws on which your happiness 
depends." 

" The dominion of all great empires degrades 
and debases the human species." * The dominion 
of Britain is that of a mighty empire. Her laws 
waste our substance, her placemen corrupt our 
morals, and her armies are to break our spirits. 
Yes, are they not to do more ? " To spoil, to 
slaughter, and to commit every kind of violence ; 
and then to call the manoeuvre by a lying name, 
— government ; and when they have spread a 
general devastation, call it peace."! In the bar- 
barous massacres of France, in the 16th century, 
the very hangmen refused obedience to the cruel 

* See Dr Robertson's Hist. Charles V. vol. i. p. 3. 

i Part of a noble speech recorded by Tacitus (Vita Agric), 
of an old Britain to his followers, exciting them to free their 
country, then a j)rovince of Rome, from the yoke of bondage. 



407 

mandates of the French monarch, saying, they 
were legal officers, and only executed those the 
laws condemned. Yet history bears testimony 
that the soldiers performed the office which the 
hangman refused.* Who then can be at a loss 
for the views of those who were so fond of intro- 
ducing and tenacious of obtaining similar peace- 
officers in this obnoxious capital ? f But let all 
such, — yes, let Great Britain consider the nature 
of mankind ; let her examine carefully the history 
of past events, and attend to the voice of expe- 
rience. 

In the same age we have just mentioned, the 
Low Countries, then subject to the crown of 
Spain, being persecuted by the court and church 
of that kingdom, rose up to resist their oppressors. 
Upon which in the year 1567, the Duke of Alva 
was sent, and entered the country with a well 
appointed army, ten thousand strong ; in order 
to quell and punish the insurgents. Terrified 
with these martial operations, the towns sufifered 

* See the life of Theod. Agrip. D'Aubigne, p. 38. 

t Whoever wants information of the spirit, cruelty, and 
rapine of soldiers quartered in populous cities, let thera pe- 
ruse the first book of the elegant and instructive history, 
written by the masterly hand of Tacitus. 



408 

the open breach of their charters, and the people 
submitted to the most humiliating infraction of 
their liberties ; while Alva, being invested with 
the government, erected the court of twelve, call- 
ed The Council of Blood, and caused great num- 
bers to be condemned and executed on account of 
the insurrections. Universal complaints ensued 
on this disuse of the ordinary courts of law and 
the introduction of the army ; but complaints 
were in vain, and all murmurs despised. The 
people became enraged ; but without a leader, 
they were over-awed. " The army," says Sir 
William Temple, " was fierce and brave, and de- 
sirous of nothing so much as a rebellion of the 
country." All was seizure and process, confisca- 
tion and imprisonment, blood and horror, insolence 
and dejection, punishments executed and medi- 
tated revenge. But though the multitude threat- 
ened vengeance, the threats of a broken and 
unarmed people excited contempt and not fear. 
Alva redoubled his impositions and ravages ; his 
edicts were published for raising monies without 
the consent of the state, and his soldiers were 
called to levy the exactions by force. But the 
event showed, that the timidity and tameness of 
mankind, like every thing human, will have a 



409 

period. The patience of the miserable sufferers 
came to an end ; and those commotions began, 
which di^luged a great part of Europe with blood, 
and finally freed the United Provinces from the 
yoke of Spain and the Inquisition. What conflicts 
too sharp, what horrors too dreadful to endure, 
for such a happy deliverance, — such a glorious 
issue ? Thus " the first period of the Low- Coun- 
try troubles," says the same ingenious writer, 
" proved to King Philip (of Spain) a dear experi- 
ence, how little the best conduct and boldest 
armies are able to withstand the torrent of a 
stubborn and enraged people, which ever bears 
all down before it, till it comes to be divided into 
different channels by arts, or by chance ; or till 
the springs, which are the humours that fed it, 
come to be spent, or dry up of themselves."* 

During several centuries, history informs us, 
that no monarch in Europe was either so bold, 
or so powerful, as to venture on any steps towards 
the introduction of regular troops. At last, 
Charles the Seventh of France, seizing a favoura- 
ble opportunity in L445, executed that which his 

* See Temple's Obs. upon the United Provinces, pp. 15, 
16, 17, 19. 

52 



410 

predecessors durst not attempt, and established 
the first standing army known in Europe. Lewis 
the Eleventh, son and successor of Charles, find- 
ing himself at the head of his father's forces, 
was naturally excited to extend the limits of 
his ancestors, in the levies of money and men. 
Charles had not been able to raise upon his sub- 
jects two millions, but the araiy he left his 
successor enabled him to levy nearly five. The 
father established an army of about seventeen 
hundred, which " he kept in good order, and 
placed for the defence of the realm ; " but this 
army, though thus disciplined and stationed, 
enabled the son to maintain " in continual pay 
a terrible band of men of arms, which gave the 
realm," says the historian, Philip de Comines, 
*' a cruel wound, of which it bled many years." * 
How regular, correspondent, and uniform are the 
rise and progression of military calamities in all 
ages ! How replete with instruction, — how full 
of admonition, are the memorials of distant times; 
especially when contracted into the view, and 
held up in comparison with the present. 

* Sixth Book of the Hist, of Ph. de Comines, p. 206. 
London Edit. l6l4. 



411 

Charles and Lewis having set the example, all 
the neighbouring crowned heads soon followed, 
and mercenary troops were introduced into all the 
considerable kingdoms of the continent. They 
gradually became the only military force that was 
employed or trusted. " It has long been," says 
the learned Dr Robertson, " the chief object of 
policy to increase and support them, and the 
great aim of princes or ministers to discredit and 
to annihilate all other means of national activity or 
defence."* Who will wonder at this, who reflect, 
that absolute monarchies are established, and can 
only be supported by mercenary forces ? Who 
can be surprised, that princes and their subalterns 
discourage a martial spirit among the people, and 
endeavour to render useless and contemptible the 
militia, when this institution is the natural strength, 
and only stable safeguard, of a free country ? f 
" Without it, it is folly to think any free govern- 
ment will ever have security and stability." J A 

* Hist. Charles V. vol. i. p. 9 J. See also Macauly's 
Hist, of England, vol. ii. p. lG5. Sir John Phillips' Speech 
in the British House of Commons, 1744. Debates of the 
Commons, vol. ii. p. 6l. 

t " Our trained bands are the truest and most proper 
strenjrth of a free nation.*' Eikonoklastcs of .John Milton. 

I Hume 278. 



412 

staiirjin'4 army in quarters will grow effeminate 
and dissolute ; while a militia, uniformly exer- 
cised with hard labor, arc naturally firm and 
robust. This an army in peace is worse than a 
militia ; and in war, a militia will soon become 
disciplined and martial. But '' when the sword 
is in the hands of a single person, as in our con- 
stitution, he will always," says the ingenious 
Hume, " neglect to discipline the militia,* in 
order to have a pretext for keeping up a standing 
army. It is evident," says the same great char- 
acter, " I hat this is a mortal distemper in the 
British government ; of which it must at last 
inevitably perish." t What a deformed monster 
is a standing army in a free nation ! Free, did I 
say ! what people are truly free, whose monarch 
has a numerous body of armed mercenaries at his 
heels ? who is already absolute in his power, — or 

* Of a like opinion was Sir Thomas Lee, in Charles the 
Second's reign. See Grey's Debates, vol. ii. p. 391. 

In order to discourage the train bands in Charles the 
First's time, the court found means to enhance the price of 
powder; and it was accordingly complained of in Parliament 
as " a great grievance." See Rush. Coll. vol. i. p. 33. Let 
us not be surprised, if any like artifice should be practised in 
our day. t Hume 279. 



413 

by the breath of his nostrils may in an instant 
make himself so ? 

No free government was ever founded, or ever 
preserved its liberty, without uniting the charactei-s 
of citizen and soldier in those destined for the de- 
fence of the state. The sword should never be 
in the hands of any but those who have an inter- 
est in the safety of the commuuity, who fight for 
their religion and their offspring, — and repel 
invaders that they may return to their private 
affairs and the enjoyment of freedom and good 
order. Such are a well regulated militia com- 
posed of the freeholders, citizens, and husband- 
men, who take up arms to preserve their property 
as individuals, and their rights as freemen. Such 
is the policy of a truly wise nation, and such was 
the wisdom of the ancient Britons. The primi- 
tive constitution of a state in a few centuries falls 
to decay ; errors and corruptions creep gradually 
into the administration of government, till poster- 
ity forget, or disregard, the institutions of their 
remote ancestors. In ancient time, the militia 
of England was raised, officered, and conducted, 
by common consent. Its militia was the orna- 
ment of the realm in peace, and for ages con- 
tinued the only and sure defence in war. Was 



414 

the king himself general of an army, it was by 
the consent of his people. Thus when the Ro- 
mans visited the island of Britain, Cassibelan 
Was the prince and chief commander in war ; but 
it was by the election of the great common coun- 
cil. Summa belli, says Caesar, communi con- 
cilio, Cassibelano traditur. Nor will this seem 
strange, when we consider that it was the first 
state maxim with the Druids, Ne loqui de repub- 
licd, 7iisi per concilium ; not even to speak upon 
a matter of state but in council. Nor is it to be 
wondered that such politicians informed Caesar, 
that they had been so long accustomed to liberty, 
that they knew not the meaning of tribute and 
slavery ; and sent him word that they had as 
good blood as he, and from the same fountain. 
Surely a message that was received by a Roman, 
may be sent to a British Caesar. These were 
those venerable Druids, who had inspired the 
Gauls, of whom Caesar reports this memorable 
boast : " We can call or appeal to such a great 
common council, as all the world cannot resist." 
Tacitus, speaking of our Saxon ancestors, relates, 
Reges ex nobilitate, duces ex virtu te in iisdem 
conciliis eliguntur. The great council, or the 
Parliament of the state, had, not only the appoint- 



415 

ment of the principes militiee, but the conduct of 
all military forces, from the first erection of the 
standard to its lodgment in the citadel ; fur, as 
the same noble writer informs, it was their gene- 
ral custom, not to entrust any man with the bear- 
ing of arms, antequam civitas suffecturum proha- 
verit. Such was the security of the people from 
the calamities of a standing army : happy indeed, 
if their successors could boast a similar provision ; 
— Britain would not now be groaning under op- 
pression, nor her distant children struggling for 
their freedom. 

A spirited nation thus embodied in a well dis- 
ciplined militia will soon become warlike ; and 
such a people, more fitted for action than debate, 
always hasten to a conclusion on the subject of 
grievances and public wrongs, and bring their de- 
liberations to the shortest issue. With them " it is 
the work of but one day, to examine and resolve 
the nice question, concerning the behaviour of 
subjects towards a ruler who abuses his power."* 

Artful dissemblings and plausible pretences are 
always adopted in order to introduce regular 
troops. Dionysius became the tyrant of Syracuse, 

* See Dr Robertson's Hist, of Scotland, vol. i. p. 204, 205. 



416 

the most opulent of all the Grecian cities, by 
feigning a solicitude for the people and a fear of 
his own person. He humbly prajed only a guard 
for his protection : they easily granted, what he 
readily took — the power of plundering by military 
force and entailing his sovereignty by a devise of 
his sword. Agathocles, a successor to the Dio- 
nysian family and to the command of the army, 
continued the military tyranny, and butchered the 
enslaved people by centuries. ui:.ii;ijv.i 

Cardinal Ximenes, who made the first innova- 
tion of this kind in Spain, disguised the measure 
under the pious and popular appearance of resist- 
ing the progress of the Infidels. The Nobles saw 
his views and excited opposition in the chief towns 
of the kingdom. But by dexterously using ter- 
ror and entreaty, force and forbearance, the refrac- 
tory cities were brought to compliance. The 
nobles, thus driven to desperate resolutions by the 
Cardinal's military movements, at a personal in- 
terview, were warm and intemperate ; when the 
arch-prelate insensibly led them towards a balcony 
from which they had a view of a large body of 
troops under arms, and a formidable train of artil- 
lery. " Behold," sa^s he, pointing to these, and rais- 
ing his voice, " the powers which I have receiv- 



417 

ed from his Catholic majesty. With these I 
govern Castile, and with these I will govern it." 
Nobles and people discovered it was now too late 
for resistance : — to regret past folly and dread fu- 
ture calamities was the remaining fate of the 
wretched Castilians. After the Romans quitted 
the island of Britain, the first appearance of a 
standing army was under Richard the Second. 
The suppression of his enemies in Ireland calling 
him out of England, his subjects seized the op- 
portunity and dethroned him. 

Henry the Seventh, a character odious for ra- 
pacity and fraud, was the first king of England 
who obtained a permanent military band in that 
kingdom. It was only a band of fifty archers : — 
with the harmless appellation of yeomen of the 
guards. This apparently trivial institution was a 
precedent for the greatest political evil that ever in- 
fested the inhabitants of Britain. The ostensible 
pretext was the dignity of government — " the gran- 
deur of majesty : " — * the alteration of the consti- 
tution and an increase of power was the aim of 
the prince. An early "oppugnation of the king's 
authority," though no doubt his favourite subal- 
terns would have styled it "ill-timed," f had easily 

* See Rapin. t See the late Governor Beruard's Speeches. 

53 



418 

effected that disbanding of the new-raised forces, 
which being a little while delayed, no subsequent 
struggles have accomplished. The wisdom of re- 
sistance at the beginning has been repeatedly in- 
culcated by the wise and liberal-minded of all 
nations, and the experience of every age hath 
confirmed their instruction. But no precept, or 
example, can make the bulk of mankind wise for 
themselves. Though cautioned (as we have 
seen)* against the projects of Caesar, the smiles 
of his benignity deceived the Roman Common- 
wealth, till the increase of his power bid defiance 
to opposition. Celebrated for his generosity and 
magnificence, his complacency and compassion,! 
the complaisant courtier made his w^ay into the 
hearts of his countrymen. They would not be- 
lieve, though admonished by the best of men and 
first of patriots, t that the smiling Caesar would 
filch away their liberties ; — that a native — born and 
bred a Roman — would enslave his country — the 
land of his fathers — the land of his birth — the land 
of his posterity.^ But the ambitious Caisar aiming 

* See before, p. 398. t See Sallust. 

I M. T. Cicero. See Pint. Life of Cccsar. 
§ A similar infatuation hath, oftener than once, prevailed 
jn this Province : an instance of vvliich we have in the time 



419 

at authority, and Caesar armed and intoxicated 
with poucu", appear in very different characters. 
He who appeared with the mildness of a fine 
gentleman, in his primeval state, in an advanced 
station conducted with the sternness of a tyrant. 
Opposed by a tribune of the people in taking 
money out of the public treasury against the laws, 
Caesar, with an army at his heels, proclaimed, " arms 
and laws do not flourish together." " If you are 

of Governor Dudley. This gentleman " after he had been 
agent for the country, tacked about, and joined with the in- 
struments that overthrew the charter, and accepted an illegal 
and arbitrary commission from King James, by which he held 
the government, until the arrival of Sir Edmund Andross ; 
and then was (as president of the council, and Chief Judge 
of tlie territory) a chief tool of all the ensuing barbarous 
and infamous administration." " After his appointment to 
the government, his conduct was of the same texture with his 
former life : (it was his son Paul, who wrote to England that 
this country would never be worth living in, for lawyers and 
gentlemen, till the charter is taken away."') — Yet such was the 
delusion at that day, " some of the Council would firmly be- 
lieve charitably of him, because his family and interest were 
here, and therefore thought it unreasonable to believe he 
would do any thing that should hurt his country." See a 
book published in London, about 1708, intitled, "The de- 
plorable state of New England, by reason of a covetous and 
treacherous Governor and pusillanimous Counsellors." p. 3 & 
9, &c. 



420 

not pleased," added the usurper, "with what I am 
about, you have nothing to do but to withdraw. 
Indeed war will not bear much liberty of speech. 
When I say this, I am departino; from my own 
right. For you and all I have found exciting a 
spirit of faction* against me are at my disposal." 
Saying this, he approached the doors of the trea- 
sury; as the keys were not produced, he sent his 
workmen to break them open.f This is the com- 
plaisant Caesar — renowned for his amiable qual- 
ities • by his easy address he deceived, and by his 
arts enslaved his countrymen, — and prepared the 
way for a succeeding Nero to spoil and slaughter 
them. Singular and very remarkable have been 
the interpositions of Providence in favour of New 
England : — the permission of an early carnage in 
our streets, peradventure, was to awaken us from 
the danger — of being politely beguiled into se- 
curity and fraud fully drawn into bondage ; — a 
state that sooner or later ends in rapine and 
blood. Shall we be too enthusiastic, if we 
attribute to the Divine influence that unexpected 

* Justice was faction in ancient Rome, as well as modern 
Britain. See Macauly's Hist. 405. Montagu's Rise and 
Fall of the Ancient Repub. 275. 

t Plut. Life of Caesar. 



4n 

good which hath so often in our day been brought 
out of premeditated evil ? Few, comparatively, 
of the many mischiefs aimed against us, but what 
have terminated in some advantage, or are now 
verging to some happy issue. If the dexterity of 
veteran troops has not excited envy, if their out- 
rage hath not provoked revenge, their military dis- 
cipline hath set a well-timed example, and their 
savage fury been a well improved incentive. The 
lusts of an enemy may touch a sensibility of 
mind, and his very pride pique the virtue of the 
heart. 

Fleets which appeared formidable, and armies 
which threatened destruction, have either vapoured 
away with empty parade, or executed their mis- 
chievous designs with rashness and folly. To 
compensate the insidt and repair the injury. Provi- 
dence hath caused these armaments to scatter 
much wealth and diffuse abroad a martial passion: 
— a passion, which hath proved so contagious, that 
our militia are advanced a century, at least, in 
discipline and improvements. Where are the peo- 
ple who can compose a militia of better men, more 
expert in the use of arms and the conduct of the 
field, than we can now call forth into action ? A 
militia who, a few years ago, knew near as much 



422 

of the science of Algebra, as of the art military. 
Thus hostile invasions have roused among us the 
genius of war : — that genius, which, under God, 
will conduct us with safety and honour — with tri- 
umph and glory. 

Surely we may say of our adversaries ; — In the 
net, which they hid, is their own foot taken, and 
they are snared in the wickedness of their own 
hands. Our enemies, the last ten years, have been 
employed to weave a spider's web and hatch the 
eggs of a cockatrice : — consuming their own bow- 
els by what they have weaved ; and destroyed by 
what they have brought forth. Thus Goliah is 
killed with his own sword, Haman hanged upon 
his own gallows.* Marvellous were the doings of 
God in the eyes of our fathers ; — nor less astonish- 
ing are his works in the days of their progeny. f 

* Thus also the Bishop of Verdun, who was the modern 
contriver of a new species of state-prison (for which many 
have cursed him), was, by the righteous dispensation of Provi- 
dence, first put into it himself, and confined " in the cruel 
prison" fourteen years. Phil, de Cora. Hist. p. 2l6. 

t It was an observation applied by the first settlers of New 
England to their great consolation, that when wicked men are 
nearest their hopes, godly men are farthest from their fears, 
because the insolence and cowardice of the wicked usually 
engage God to defeat their design. 



423 

Charles the Second told his parliament, their 
"jealousy, that the forces he had raised were de- 
signed to control law and property, was weak and 
frivolous."* The cajolement took for a season, 
but his subjects having been abused by repeated 
violations of his most solemn vows, at last roused 
from their lethargy ; and the king began to dread 
the severity of their vengeance. He therefore 
kept up a standing army, not only against law, 
but against the repeated resolutions of every 
Parliament of his reign. He found that corruption 
without force could not confirm him a tyrant, and 
therefore cherished and augmented his troops to 
the destruction of his people and the terror of 
his senators. " There go our masters," f was a 
common saying among the members of Parlia- 
ment. " No law can restrain these people ; 
houses are taken from us, our lives are in danger," 
said one member in Parliament. " Without be- 
traying our trust," said Russel, " we must vote 
these standing forces a grievance. There are de- 
signs about the King, to ruin religion and property. 
Public business is the least of their concern. A 

* Speech to both Houses, February 1672, and Grey's 
Deb. in Pari. vol. vii. p. 26. 
t Johnson's Works, p. 312. 



m 

few upstart people, making hay while the sun 
shines, set up an army to establish their interest: 
I would have care taken for the future, that no 
army be raised for a cabal interest. A gentleman 
said, the last session, that this war was made rather 
for the army, than the army for the war. This 
government, with a standing army, can never be 
safe : we cannot be secure in this house ; and 
some of us may have our heads taken off. " * 

Patriots harangued in vain ; — the Commons 
voted the keeping up the army illegal and a griev- 
ance, — but while they thus did, they openly be- 
trayed a dread of that army. " I would not give 
an alarm to those who have arms in their hands,'' 
said one member ; "I cannot but observe that the 
House of Commons is now in fear of the army," 
said another.f Plain as it was for what end the 
army was kept up, the people slumbered. 

The exigencies of the times called for some- 
thing more than votes and paper resolutions. 
What was the consequence of this national cow- 
ardice and inactivity ? " England saw herself en- 
gaged in the expense of 600,000 pounds sterling, 
to pay an army and fleet, which certainly, "■ says 

* Grey's Debates, vol. ii. 219, 393. 

i Grey's Debates in Pari. vol. vii. p. 71, 72, 73- 



425 

Rnpin, "had not been prepared to make war with 
France, or for the security of Enghmd." Spirit- 
ed resolves may please the ear ; senatorial clo- 
rj nonce may charm the eye, but these are not the 
weapons with which to coml)at standing armies ; 
these were not those, which freed this capital from 
stationed regiments ; — they are not those, which 
will ultimately But 1 forbear : time will un- 
fold, what I may not foretell. 

The British court, never destitute of plausibil- 
ities to deceive, or inventions to inthrall the nation, 
appropriated monies, raised by Parliament for the 
purpose of disbandiiig the army, to their continu- 
ance ; ^ and unilorndy pinsurd similar measures, 
till, in the year 1684, *'the King, in order to make 
his people sensible of their new slavery, affected 
to muster his troops, which amounted to 4000, well 
armed and disciplined." f If Rapin dcjiomijiated 
so small an armament, the "shivery of the subject 
under Charles the Secojid," what would he call 
the state of Britons under George the Third ? 
With 4000 troops, the kingdom, it seems, was re- 
duced to servitude : but the spirit of the nation 
soon after rose. In 1685 complaint was made in 

* See King's Speech, October lG78. + See Rapin. 

54 



426 

Parliament, '' that the country was weary of the 
oppression and plunder of the soldiers ;" " the 
army," it was said, " debauched the manners of all 
the people, their wives, da ughtc^rs, and servants."* 
The grievance became intolerable, — and what was 
happy, it was not too mighty for opposition. James 
the Second had only 14, or 15,000 troops, and 
no riot act. The barbarities of a Kirk, and the 
campaign of a Jeffreys, could not pass with im- 
punity. The revolution succeeded, and James 
abdicated his throne. Such was the fate of one, 
who vainly affected to play the despot with about 
fifteen regiments. Had he been encircled with an 
hundred, no doubt he had reigned an applauded 
tyrant — flattered, in his day, with that lying ap- 
pellation, "the wisest and the best of kings. "f 

* Grey's Debates, vol. viii.p. 365, 366. 

f " Patriae Patri, Regum Optimo," was part of an inscription 
on the marble statue erected to Charles the Second, as worth- 
less and odious a prince as any in the history of England. See 
Rapin, p. 734. fol edit. — Even Richard the Third, generally 
represented both as a monster in person and disposition, hath 
however had panegyrists who affirm, that he was remarkably 
genteel, and the best of kings. See Barrington's Observa- 
tions on the more ancient Statutes, p. 392, 393. 

Thus that insolent tyrant, Henry the Eighth, who disgraced 
bis species by repeated violations of his most solemn vows, 



427 

The army of the present king of Great Britain 
is larger than that with which Alexander subdued 
the East, or Cajsar conquered Gaul. " If the 
arm J we now keep up," said Sir John Phillips 
thirty years ago, in the House of Commons, 
*' should once be as much attached to the crown 
as Julius Caesar's army was to him, I should be 
glad to know where we could find a force superior 
to that army." * Is there no such attachment 
now existing?! Surely the liberties of England, 
if not held at will, are holden by a very precari- 
ous tenure. 



and the practice of open debauchery and riot ; a despot, 
who, lost to the common feelings of humanity, made his laws 
more bloody than those of Draco or Dionysius, and caused a 
greater number of executions than any other King of Eng- 
land, is characterized on the Journals of the House of Lords, 
as a Prince of wondrous goodness and wisdom. See the 
same Observations^ p. 46) , 462, 472. Surely he who calls the 
reigning monarch " the wisest and best of kings," ought 
always to be suspected of burlesque and sarcasm, or some- 
thing worse. 

* See Debates in the House of Commons, vol. ii. p. 56, 
57, 58. 

+ " By a numerous army and a severe riot act, you may in- 
deed prevent mobs and riots among the people ; but if this 
method be pursued for a long time, you will make your raia- 



428 

The supreme power is ever possessed hy those 
who have arms iji their hands, and are disciplined 
to the use of them. When the Arpves, con- 
scious of a good title, di.sj)uted with Lysander 
about bomularies, the Laced<emonian showed his 
swo<d, and vamitingly cried out, " He that is 
master of this, can best plead about boundaries."* 
The Mamertines of Messina declined appear- 
ance at the tribunal of Pompey, to acknowledge 
his jurisdiction, alleging in excuse, ancient privi- 
leges, granted them by the Romans. " Will you 
never have done," exclaimed Pompey, " with 
citing laws and privileges to men who wear 
swords ? " t What boundaries will they set to 
their passions, who have no limits to their 
power ? Unlimited oppression and wantonness 
are the never-failing attendajits of unbounded au- 
thority. Such power a veteran army always 
acquire, and beijig able to riot in mischief with 
impunity, they always do it with licentiousness. 

isters tyrants and your people slaves." Sir John Bernard's 
Speech in the British House of Commons, 1774. Debat. vol. 
ii. p. 118. Qu. If this method hath not been thus pursued ? 
And Qu. Whether the prophecy is fulfilling, or already ac- 
complished in Great Iritain .f" 

* riut. Life of Lysander. t Plut. Life of Porapey. 



429 

Regular soldiers, embodied for the purpose of 
originating oppression, or extending dominion, 
ever compass the control of the magistrate. The 
same force which preserves a despotism immuta- 
ble, may change the despot every day. Power 
is soon felt by those who possess it, and they 
who can command, will never servilely obey. 
The leaders of the army, having become masters 
of the person of their sovereiijn, degrade or exalt 
him at Avill.* Obvious as these truths may seem, 
and confirmed as they are by all history, f yet a 
weak or wicked prince is easily persuaded, by 
the creatures who surround him, to act the tyrant. 
A character so odious to subjects must necessa- 
rily be timid and jealous. Afraid of the wise 
and good, he must support his dignity by the 
assistance of the worthless and wicked. Stand- 
ing armies are therefore raised by the infatuated 
prince ; no sooner established, than the defence- 

* " Whoever uses a mercenary army," says the erreat Lord 
Chancellor Bacon, " thoiiiih he may spread his feathers for a 
time, he will mew them soon after ; and raise them with 
what design you please, yet, like the West India dogs, in 
Boccaline, in a little time they will certainly turn sheep- 
biters." 

t See Dr Sullivan's Lectures on the Laws of England, p. 56. 



430 

less multitude are their first prey. Mere power 
is wanton and cruel; the army grow liccnious, 
and the people grow desperate. Dreadful alter- 
native to the infatuated monarch ! In constant 
jeopardy of losing the regalia of empire, till the 
caprice of an armed banditti degrade him from 
sovereignty,* or the enraged people wreak an 
indiscriminate and righteous vengeance. Alas ! 
when will kings learn wisdom, and mighty men 
have understanding ? 

A further review of the progress of armies in 
our parent state, will be a useful, though not a 
pleasant employ. No particular reason or occa- 
sion was so much as suggested in the bill which 
passed the Parliament in 1717, for keeping on 
foot a standing army of 30,000 men in time of 
peace (a number since amazingly increased :) 
an act justly recorded in the Lord's Journal to 
be a precedent for keeping the same army at all 
times, and which, the protest of that day foretold, 
" must inevitably subvert the ancient constitution 

* Sir Robert Atkins (afterwards Lord Chief Justice of the 
Common Pleas in England) said in Parliament (anno 1667), 
— " Six Emperors in five years had their heads tumbled 
down by a military government." Grey's Debates in Pari. 
vol. i. p. 23. 



431 

of the realm, and subject the subjects to arbitrary 
power." * To borrow the pointed turn of a 
modern orator, — what was once prophecy, is now 
history. 

The powers given by the mutiny act which is 
now constantly passed every year, w ere repeatedly 
in former times " opposed and condemned by 
Parliament as repugnant to Magna Charta, and 
inconsistent with the fundamental rights and lib- 
erties of a free people."! In this statute, no 
provision is made for securing the obedience of 
the military to the civil power, on which the pre- 
servation of our constitution depends. A great 
number of armed men governed by martial law,t 
having it in their power, are naturally inclined 
not only to disobey, but to insult, the civil magis- 
trate.^ The experience of what hath hai)pened 

* See Lords' Prot. vol. iii, p. 273. 

t See same book, p. 279. 

I" A law unknown to our constitution, destructive of our 
liberties, not endured by our ancestors, and never mentioned 
in any of our statutes, but in order to condemn it." Lords' 
Prot. vol. ii. p. 283. 

"^ Very notable instances of this have been seen in this 
province ; which will be recorded to the eternal infamy of 
those who brooked the insult. 



432 

in England, as well as the memorials of all ages 
and nations have made it sufficiently apparent, 
that wherever an effectual provision is not made 
to secure the obedience of soldiers to the laws of 
their country, the military hath constantly sub- 
verted and swallowed up the civil power. What 
provision of this ki)id can the several continental 
legislatures make against British troops stationed 
in the colonies ? Nay, if the virtue of one branch 
of government attempted the salutary measure, 
would the first branch ever give its consent ? A 
governor must, he will, obey his master ; the 
alternative is obvious ; — the armies quartered 
among us must be removed, or they will in the 
end overturn and trample on all that we ought to 
hold valuable and sacred. 

We have authority to affirm, that the regular 
forces of Great Britain consist of a greater num- 
ber than is necessary for the guard of the king's 
person and the defence of the government, and 
therefore dangerous to the constitution of the 
kingdom. W hat then do these armaments, when 
established here, threaten to our laws and liber- 
ties ? Well might the illustrious members of the 
House of Peers, in 1 722, hold forth the danger of 
*' a total alteration of the frame of our constitu- 



433 

tion, from a legal and limited monarchy to a des- 
potic ;" ami declare, they were " induced to be 
of this jiidj^ement, as well from the nature of 
armies, and the inconsistency of great military 
power and martial law, with civil authority, as 
from the known and universal experience of other 
countries in Europe, which, by the influence and 
power of standing armies, in time of peace, have 
from limited monarchies, like ours, been changed 
into absolute." * The taxes necessary to main- 
tain a standing arm}', drain and impoverish the 
land. Thus exhausted by tribute, the people 
gradually become spiritless, and fall an easy 
sacrifice to the reigning power. 

Spirits, like Britons, naturally fierce and inde- 
pendent, are not easily awed or suddenly van- 
quished by the sword. Hence an augmentation 
of forces hath been pushed, when there was no 
design of bringing them into action against Eng- 
lishmen in an open field. New forces have 
oftener than once been raised in Eno-land more 
for civil than military service ; and as elections 
for a new Parliament have approached, this door 
has been opened to introduce a large body of 

* See Lords' Prot. vol. i. pp. 337, 338. 

55 



434 

commissioned pensioners.* What hath been the 
consequence ? A constant majority of placemen 
meeting under the name of a Parliament, to es- 
tablish grievances instead of redressing them, — 
to approve implicitly the measures of a court with- 
out information, — to support and screen ministers 
they ought to control or punish, — to grant money 
without right and expend it without discretion ? 
Have these been the baneful consequences ? Are 
these solemn truths ? Alas ! we tremble to 
think ; — but we may venture to say, that when 
this is true of that legislative authority, which 
not only claims, but exercises, " full power and 
authority to make laws and statutes to bind the 
colonies and people of America in all cases what- 
soever," t the forms of our constitution, creating 

* See Lords' Prot. vol. ii. p. l62. 

i See the declarative act of the British Parliament, anno 
1766. — " From that period (Sir Robert Walpole's day) to the 
present time (1762), has proved a very remarkable one in 
the history of the British constitution ; — no one instance can 
be produced in which the royal business has been retarded, 
through the scrupulousness of the people's representatives." 
Political Essays concerning the Present State of the British 
Empire. — " From the revolution to this day (1762), the meas- 
ures of the crown have universally been the measures of 
Parliament." lb. p. 46. 



435 

a fatal delusion, will become our greatest griev- 
ance. 

The formalities of a free, and the ends of a 
despotic state, have often subsisted together. 
Thus deceived was the republic of Rome ; — offi- 
cers and magistrates retained their old names ; — 
the forms of the ancient government being kept 
up, the fundamental laws of the commonwealth 
were violated with impunity, and its once free 
constitution utterly annihilated. * He who gave 
Augustus Caisar the advice " that to the officers 
of state the same names, pomp, and ornaments, 
should be continued, with all the appearances of 
authority, without the power," f discovered an 
intimate acquaintance with mankind. The advice 
was followed, and Caesar soon became senate, 
magistracy, and laws. Is not Britain to Ameri- 
ca what CjEsar was to Rome ? 

It is curious to observe the various acts of im- 
position, which are alternately practised by the 
great and subtle of this world on their subordinate 
and simple-minded brethren. Are a people free, 
new oppressions are introduced or shrouded under 

* See hereafter. 

+ "Eadera magistratuum vocabiila, — sua consulibus, sua 
l)ra:?toribus species." 



436 

old names ; — are they in present bondage, and 
begin to grow turbulent ; new appellations must 
be adopted to disguise old burthens. A notable 
instance of this latter kind we find in the Parlia- 
ment of Great Britain, (in 36 Ed. Ill, c. 2,) 
upwards of four hundred years ago. The royal 
prerogative, called purveyance, having been in 
vain regulated by many preceding statutes, still 
continued so intolerably grievous, that fresh mur- 
murs and complaints called for a more adequate or 
better adapted provision. The British legislature, 
for this valuable purpose, therefore passed this 
very remarkable law, which, by way of remedy, 
enacted as follows, viz. — "That the hateful name 
oi purveyor, shall be changed into that of Acator.^^ 
Thus the nation were made to believe that the 
oppression ceased, because the name was altered. 
For the honour of govc rnment, as well as man- 
kind, it is devouJy to be wished, that our laws 
and history contained no other record of such 
disgraceful practices. If any late acts of the 
British Parliament carry strong marks of a similar 
policy, it is surely not altogether unworthy the 
consideration of the members of that august body, 
— how far such disingenuous practices are con- 
sistent with the honour of their private characters, 
or the dignity of their public station. 



437 

The magic of sounds and appellations hath not 
ceased, and they work as much deception and 
abuse as ever. What valuable purpose does a 
wholly subordinate legislative serve (except to 
amuse with the shadow, while the substance is 
departed), if a remote state may legislate for and 
bind us "in all cases?" To what end doth an 
American House of Representatives go through 
the forms of granting away monies, if another 
power, full as familiar with our pockets, may 
annihilate all they do ; and afterwards, with a 
modern dexterity, take possession of our purses 
without ceremony, and dispose of the contents 
without modesty, without control,, and without 
account ? * 

* " If the king could at pleasure levy the necessary sums of 
money (for the expenses of the government &c.), he being 
sole judge of the necessity, both as to measure and (juantity, 
as Charles the First claimed, in the case of ship-money, the 
state of the subjects would be precarious, and the king would 
be as absolute a monarch as the present king of France or 
Spain."' Dr Sullivan's Lectures on the Laws of England, 
p. 189. What is it to America, whether the King or Parlia- 
ment of Great Britain, or any other body, natural or political, 
is absolute master over her, — and where is the difierence 
between French, Spanish, and English dragooning ? In the 
reign of Charles the Second, a wooden shoe, such as the 



438 

It is curious and instructive to attend the course 
of debate in the British Commons for keeping up 
the army. At first even the highest courtiers 
would argue — that a standing army, in time of 
peace, was never attempted. * Soon after the 
court speakers urged for continuance of a numer- 
ous army for one year longer. At the end of 
several years after, the gentlemen throw aside the 
mask, and boldly declare such a number of troops 
must always be kept up. In short, the army 
must be continued till it becomes part of the con- 
stitution ; and in later times members of the house 
have ventured to harangue for measures, none 
would have dared to lisp a few years before. The 
wise foresaw this, and the honest foretold it. " If 
we continue the army but a little while longer," 
said a celebrated member upwards of forty years 
ago, " it may be in the power of some gentlemen 
to talk in this house f in terms that will be no way 

peasants wear, in France, was laid near the chair of the 
Speaker of the Commons House ; the arms of Engkmd drawn 
at one end of it, and those of France at the other, with tliese 
words in the interval, Utrum Iwrum mavis accipe. Grey's 
Debates, vol. ii. p. 223. 

* Sec Sir Robert Carr's Harangue in Parliament, 1673. 
Grey's Debates, vol. ii, p. 220. 

t Commons of Great Britain. 



439 

agreeable to the constitution or liberties of our 
country. To tell us, that the same number of 
forces must be always kept up, is a proposition 
full-fraught with innumerable evils, and more par- 
ticularly with this, that it may make wicked 
ministers more audacious than otherwise they 
would be in projecting and propagating schemes 
which may be inconsistent with the liberties, des- 
tructive of the trade, and burthensome on the 
people of this nation. In countries governed by 
standing armies, the inclinations of the people are 
but little minded, the ministers place their securi- 
ty in the army, the humours of the army they 
only consult, with them they divide the spoils, 
and the wretched people are plundered by both." 
Who that now reconsiders this proj)hetic language, 
in conjunction with the events of his own time, 
but will cry out — The speaker felt the impulse of 
inspiration ! 

*' Whoever," says the justly celebrated Dr 
Blackstone, "will attentively consider the English 
history may observe, that the flagrant abuse of 
any power, by the crown or its ministers, has al- 
ways been productive of a struggle, which either 
discovers the exercise of that power to be con- 



440 

trary to law, or, if legal, restrains it for the fu- 
ture." * 

The ingenious commentator seems here to have 
particular reference to periods prior to the revolu- 
tion. But will the learned judge say, that since 
that era there have been no flagrant abuses of 
power by the crown or its ministers ? Have not 
repeated struggles arisen in consequence of such 
abuses, which did not terminate in the happy issue 
so characteristic of Englishmen ? Let any one 
peruse the journals of Parliament, especially those 
of the house of peers : let him carefully review 
the British and American annals of the present 
century, and answer truly to those questions. The 
natural inquiry will be — Whence then is it, that 
such abuses have become so numerous and fla- 
grant, and the struggles of Britons so unsuccess- 
ful? Will not the question receive an ample so- 
lution in the words of the same great lawyer ? — 
*' There is a n^wly acquired branch of (royal) 
power ; and that not the influence only, but the 
force of a disciplined army, paid indeed ultimate- 
ly by the people, but immediately by the crown ; 
raised by the crown, officered by the crown, com- 
manded by the crown." f 

* 3 Bla. Com. p. 135. f 1 Bla, Com. pp. 336, 337. 



441 

We are told, bj the same learned author, that 
" whenever the unconstitutional oppressions, even 
of the sovereign power, advance with gigantic 
strides and threaten desolation to a state, mankind 
will not be reasoned out of the feelings of hu- 
manity, nor will sacrifice their liberty by a scru- 
pulous adherence to those political maxims, which 
were established to preserve it."* But those who 
cannot be reasoned out of their feelings, are easily 
repressed by the terror of arms from giving tokens 
of their sensibility ; and states, ancient and mod- 
ern, — (yes, Britain will bear me witness ! ) — who 
would disdain to sacrifice their freedom to politi- 
cal institutions, have tremblingly stood aloof, while 
it was dragged to the altar under the banners of a 
royal army. 

The policy and refinements of men clothed with 
authority often deceive those who are subject to its 
control ; and thus a people are often induced to 
waive their rights, and relinquish the barriers of 
their safety. The fraud, however, must at last 
be discovered, and the nation will resume their 
ancient liberties, if there be no force sufficient to 
screen the usurper and defend his domination. 
The sword alone is sufficient to subdue that spirit," 

* 1 Bla. Com. 245. 

56 



442 

which compels rulers to their duty, and tyrants to 
their senses. Hence, then, though a numerous 
standing army may not be absohiiely requisite to 
depress a kingdom into servitude, they are indis- 
pensably necessary to confirm an usurpation. 

A large army and revenue are not easily and at 
once forced upon a free people. By slow degrees 
and plausible pretences, as we have seen in Eng- 
land, the end is accomplished. But when once a 
numerous body of revenue and military men, en- 
tirely dependant on the crown, are incorporated, 
they are regardless of any thing but its will : and 
where that will centres, and what such power can 
effect, is a matter of no doubtful disputation. 

The present army of a prince is always compos- 
ed of men of honor and integrity, as the reigning 
monarch is ever the best of kings. In such an 
army, it is said, you may trust your liberties with 
safety : in such a king, you may put your confi- 
dence without reserve ; — the good man has not a 
wish beyond the happiness of his subjects ! Yet 
let it be remembered, that under the best of kings, 
we ought to seize the fleeting opportunity, and 
provide against the worst. But admitting that 
from this rare character — a wise and good mon- 
arch — a nation have nothing to fear ; yet they 



443 

have every thing to dread from those who would 
clothe him with authority, and invest him with 
powers incompatible with all political freedom 
and social security.* France, Spain, Denmark, 
and Sweden, in modern times have felt the bane- 
ful effects of this fatal policy. Though the latter 
state are said to have this excellent institution, that 
the commissions to their military officers all run, 
qxiam diu se bene gesserint : a regulation which 
ought to be the tenure of all offices of public trust, 
and may be of singular utility in states which 
have incorporated a standing army as a part of the 
constitution of government. 

An invasion and conquest by mere strangers and 
foreigners are neither so formidable nor disgraceful 
as the establishment of a standing army under co- 
lor of the municipal law of the land. Thus Ro- 
man armies were more terrible to the Roman 

* " Galba had the greatest integrity of heart : but in the 
court of Galba appeared all the extortion of Nero's reign; — 
and as the rapacity and other excesses of his ministers were 
imputed to him, Galba was no less hated, than if he had com- 
mitted them himself." Plut. Life of Galba. — See also, to the 
same point, Gord. Disc, on Tacitus, vol. iii. p. 19,35, 38,79. 
A Monarch justly dignified with the appellation of " the 
wisest and best of kings," will surely receive some advan- 
tage by attentively contemplating an instance so replete witii 
instruction. 



colonies, than an "enemy's army."* Valor has 
scope for action against an open enemy, but the 
most precious liberties of a kingdom are massa- 
cred in cold blood by the disciplined Janizaries of 
the state, and there is little hope of a general re- 
sistance. The natural, inherent right of the con- 
quered is to throw oifif the yoke, as soon as they 
are able ; but subjects enslaved by the military 
forces of their own sovereign, become spiritless 
and despondent ; and scaffolds and axes, the gib- 
bet and the halter, too often terrify them from 
those noble exertions which would end in their 
deliverance by a glorious victory or an illustrious 
death. 

Yet in full peace, without any just apprehensions 
of insurrections at home or invasions from abroad, 
it was the mischievous policy of the English min- 
istry, in 1717, to procure an allowance of nearly 
double the forces to what had ever before been es- 
tablished by the sanction of Parliament in times of 
public tranquillity. Well might many of the no- 
bility of Britain conceive, that as so many forces 
were no ways necessary to support, they had 
reason to fear danger to the constitution, which 

* See Gordon's Disc, on Sallust, vi. § 3. p. 128. 



445 

was never entirely subverted but by a standing 
army. * The English military bands have since 
been much augmented ; — and whether this dis- 
graceful subversion has already taken place, or is 
still verging to its accomplishment, may be resolv- 
ed, after a further inspection into memorials of 
the present age. 

More than half a century since, the discerning 
members of the House of Lords discovered the 
tendency of these extraordinary armaments to be 
no other, than to overthrow the civil power of the 
kingdom, and to turn it into a military govern- 
ment. f A very short period after this, many of 
the same noble house bore open testimony, that 
they were "justly jealous, from the experience 
of former times, that the crown itself, as well as 
the liberties of the people, might be found at the 
disposal of a standing army at home."t 

But as if one standing army was not enough 
to ruin a nation of Englishmen, a new kind of 
forces was raised against the Commonwealth. 
The ojfificers employed in the customs, excise, 
in other branches of the revenue, and other parts 

* Lords' Prot. vol. i. p. 282. 

t See Lords' Prot. vol. i. p. 315, anno 1721. 

t See Lords' Prot. vol. ii. 80. 



446 

of public service, compose in effect a second 
standing army in England, and in some respects 
are more dangerous, than that body of men, prop- 
erly so called. The influence which this order 
have in the elections of members to serve in Par- 
liament, hath been too often felt in Great Britain 
to be denied. And we have good authority to 
say, "that examples are not hard to find, where 
the military forces have withdrawn to create an 
appearance of a free election, and the standing 
civil forces of this kind have been sent to take 
that freedom away." * Is a House of Commons, 
thus chosen, the representative of the people, — or 
of the administration, — or of a single minister ? f 
As Lewis the Eleventh of France, was the 
first monarch in Europe, who reduced corruption 
to a system, so the era of its establishment in 
England may be fixed at the reign of Charles 
the Second. Britain, then for the first time, saw 
corruption, like a destroying angel, walking at 
noonday. Charles pensioned his Parliament, 
and by it extinguished, not only the spirit of free- 
dom, but the sentiments of honour and the 

* See Lords' Prot. vol. ii. p. 83. 

t See same book and page. The reader is desired to read 
again p. 433, and the note at p. 434. See also hereafter 
p. 449. 



447 

feelings of shame. Since the age of Charles, 
the science of bribery and corruption hath made 
amazing progress. Patriots of the last century 
told their countrymen what it threatened, — the 
worthies of this day ought rather to tell what 
hath been effected. 

Near fifty years ago, there were more than two 
hundred persons holding offices or employments 
under the crown in tlie House of Commons.* 
Since that time this body like the military (and 
for the same purposes) has received very nota- 
ble additions. Is it to be wondered, then, as we 
verge nearer to our own times, we should hear 
the most august assembly in the kingdom declar- 
ing to the whole world, that " the influence of 
the crown is almost irresistible, being already 
overgrown and yet increasing;"! — that "the 
most valuable rights of the nation are subverted 
by arbitrary and illegal proceedings :" J — that 
"a flagrant usurpation " is made upon the sub- 
ject, " as highly repugnant to every principle of 
the constitution, as the claim of ship-money by 
King Charles tlie First, or that of the dispensing 

* See Lords' Prot. p. 66, anno 1729. 

+ See Lords' Prot. Feb. S, 17G0. Suppl. to Lords' Prot. p. 9. 

I See same book, p. 12, Jan. 1770. 



448 

power by King James the Second." * Finally, 
considering all that we have seen in the course 
of our review, could any thing else be expected, 
than what Ibrty of the House of Lords openly 
protest " they have seen with great uneasiness ; 
— a plan, for a long time systematically carried 
on, for lowering all the constitutional powers of 
the kingdom, rendering the House of Commons 
odious, and the House of Peers contemptible." f 
Here let us pause, my fellow citizens, and 
consider : — hath the execrable plan thus system- 
atically and for a long time pursued, at last 
taken effect ? Are all the constitutional powers 
of Great Britain so lowered in the estimation 
of the people, that their representatives are de- 
tested, and their nobility despised ? Is their King 
possessed of power sufficient to make fear a sub- 
stitute for love ? Has he an army at his absolute 
command, with which no force in his empire is 
able to cope ? Judge ye, my countrymen, of 
these questions, upon which I may not decide ; 
— judge, for yourselves, of the political state of 
that kingdom, which claims a right of disposing 
of our all, — a right of laying every burden that 

* See Lords' Protest, p. 22, 23, Feb. 1770. 

t Sec Supplement to Lords' Prut. p. 29, anno 1770. 



449 

power can impose, * — a right of overrunning 
our soil and freeholds with mercenary legions, 
and still more mercenary placemen and depend- 
ants. Thus luxury and riot, debauchery and 
havock, are to become the order and peace of our 
cities, and the stability and honour of our times. 
To this and like hopeful purposes, we find " the 
fullest directions sent to the several officers of the 
revenue, that all the produce of the American du- 
ties, arising, or to arise, by virtue of any British 
act of Parliament, should from time to time be 
paid to the deputy paymaster in America, to defray 
the subsistence of the troops, and any military 
expenses incurred in the colonies." f Highly 
favoured Americans ! you are to be wasted with 
taxes and impositions, in order to satisfy the 
charges of those armaments which are to blast 

* " It will be proper to lay on the Americans every bur- 
then which the hand of power can impose, if they should 
attenijit to become manufacturers." Conduct of Administra- 
tion examined, IT^T- p. 62. Thus Americans are to be 
treated, for an attempt onl}' to do, what is their duty as soon 
as possible to effect, and what no power on earth can re- 
strain, without violating the laws of God and nature. 

t lords' Prot. vol. ii. p. 291, 1766. By the Lords who enter- 
ed their protest against the repeal of the American stamp-act. 

57 



450 

jour country with the most terrible of all evils,— 
universal corruption, and a military government. * 
The reigns of past and present great monarchs, 
when compared, often present a striking simili- 
tude. The Emperor Charles the Fifth, having 
exalted the royal prerogative (or the influence of 
the crown) on the ruins of the privileges of the 
Castilians, allowed the name of the Cortes (or 
the Parliament) to remain; and the formality of 
holding it thus continued, he reduced its author- 
ity and jurisdiction to nothing, and modelled it in 
such a manner, that "it became," says Dr Rob- 
ertson, " rather a junto of the servants of the 

* Englishmen in the reign of Henry the Fourth had the 
virtue and courage to " declare it in Parliament as the un- 
doubted right of the kingdom, not to be charged with aught 
for the defence of the realm, or safeguard of the seas, but by 
their own will and consent in Parliament." The Rights of 
the Kingdom, p. 146, edit. 1682. Had Britons in the age of 
Geo. in. been as considerate of the spirit of their laws and 
constitution, or attentive to that old rule, — to do as you would 
be done by, — they would not have charged America with a 
large revenue for " the subsistence of troops, and military ex- 
penses," without consulting its local Parliament, and against 
the will of its Commons ; more especially since it was the 
position of that able, though most arbitrary prince, Edward the 
First of England, touching martial affairs, — Quod omnes tangit, 
ah omnibus approbeUtr. 



451 

crown, than an assembly of the representatives of 
the people."* The success of Charles in abol- 
ishing the privileges of the Commons, and in 
breaking the power of the nobles of Castile, 
encouraged an invasion of the liberties of Arra- 
gon, which were yet more extensive. 

Attend, Americans ! reflect on the situation of 
your mother country, and consider the late con- 
duct of your brethren in Britain towards this 
continent. " The Castilians (once high-spirited 
and brave in the cause of freedom) accustomed to 
subjection themselves, assisted," says the same 
illustrious historian, "in imposing the yoke on 
their more happy and independent neighbours."! 
Hath not Britain (fallen from her pristine free- 
dom and glory) treated America, as Castile did 
Arragon ? Have not Britons imposed on our 
necks the same yoke which the Castilians impos- 
ed on the happy Arragonese ? Yes ! I speak it 
with grief, — f speak it with anguish, — Britons 
are our oppressors : I speak it with shame, — I 
speak it with indignation, — ice are slaves. 

As force first fixes the chains of vassalage, so 
cowardice restrains an enslaved people from burst- 

* Hist, of Charles V. vol. iii. p. 434. t li). 



452 

ing asunder their bonds. But the case perhaps 
is not desperate till the yoke has been so long 
borne, that the understanding and the spirits of 
the people are sunk into ignorance and barbarism, 
supineness and perfect inactivity. Such, I yet 
trust, is not the deplorable state of the land of 
my nativity. How soon it may be — we shall 
tremble, when we reflect that the progress of 
thraldom is secret, and its effects incredibly rapid 
and dreadful.* Hence we see nations, once the 
freest and most high-spirited in Europe, abject in 
the most humiliating condition. The oath of al- 
legiance to their king exhibits the true standard 
of all just subjection to government, and testifies 
a genuine sense and spirit. " We who are each 
of us as good, and who are altogether more pow- 
erful than you, promise obedience to your gov- 
ernment, if you maintain our rights and liberties ; 
if not, not."t When a people, endowed with 
such understanding, sentiments, and virtue, have 
fallen into a disgraceful vassalage, — what have 
we in this land, at this time, reason to fear ? 



* " The loss of liberty," says that sagacious politician, Taci- 
tus, "is ever accompanied witli the loss of spirit and magna- 
nimity." Vita Agric. 

"I" Dr Robertson's Hist. Charles V. vol. i. p. 153. 



453 

The same Athenians, who insulted and bid defi- 
ance to a Philip of Macedon, crouched and cower- 
ed at the feet of an Alexander. Romans, who 
with righteous indignation expelled royalty and 
the Tarquins, bore with infamy and shame the 
ravages of succeeding kings and emperors. Eng- 
lishaien, who rose with a divine enthusiasm against 
the first Charles, disgracefully submitted to the 
usurpation of a Cromwell, and then with unex- 
ampled folly and madness restored that odious 
and execrable race of tyrants, the house of Stew- 
art. Examples like these, ought to excite the 
deepest concern; — at this day, they ought to do 
more, — to inspire fortitude and action. 

Providence from the beginning hath exercised 
this country with singular trials. In the earliest 
periods of our history. New England is seen sur- 
rounded with adversaries, and alternately vexed 
with foes, foreign and domestic. Fierce as her 
enemies were from abroad, and savage as the 
natives of America were within, — her worst en- 
emies will be found those of her own household. 

Our fathers '' left their native country with 
the strongest assurance that they, and their poster- 
ity should enjoy the privileges of free, natural- 



454 

born English subjects." * Depending upon these 
assurances, they sustained hardships scarcely par- 
alleled in the annals of the world, f Yet com- 
passion, natural to the human breast, did not 
restrain internal foes from involving them in new 
calamities ; nor did that disgrace and contempt, 
which suddenly fell upon the conspirators, damp 
the ardour of their malignity. 

So early as 1633 (not fourteen years after the 
first arrival at Plymouth), " the new settlers were 
in perils from their own countrymen." t In this, 
the infant state of the country, while exposed 
to innumerable hardships, vexed with hostilities 
from Europe, and the depredations of savages, 
there existed men, who "beheld the Massachusetts 
with an envious eye."^ The characteristics of 
the first conspirators against this province were 
secrecy and industry : they had effected the mis- 
chief before the people knew of their danger. 
Morton in his letter to Jeffreys of the first of May, 
1634, writes that "the Massachusetts patent, by 
an order of Council, was brought in view, and the 

* See Hutch. Hist. vol. i. pref. p. 4. 

t See same Hist. p. 19, 45. Appendix, p. 538. 

I Same Hist. p. 31. 

§ lb. p. 31. 



455 

privileges well scanned."* But by whom ? very 
like some of more modern fame : an archbishop, 
and the privy council of Charles the First ! 
Excellent assay-masters for New-England privi- 
leges, — most renowned judges of the rights and 
liberties of mankind ! They first discover the 
Charter "to be void,"t and then no doubt ad 
vise to the issuing of the commission found by 
my Lord Barrington in the 3Jst volume of Mr 
Petyt's Manuscript, — " a commission directed to 
the archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancel- 
lor, and other Lords of the privy council, by which 
they are empowered to prepare laws for the bet- 
ter government of the colonies," " which were 
afterwards to be enforced by the king's procla- 
mation." t 

This was considered as a master-stroke of poli- 
cy, and the public conspirators of the day dis- 
played the plumage of triumph with that spirit 
and ostentation,^ which have descended to their 
successors. But how easy is it with Providence, 
to disappoint the projects and humble the pride 
of man ! Tjaud and his master, in the subse- 



♦ Hutch, vol. i. p. 31. t Same page. 

I Barr. Obs. on the more Anc. Statutes, p. 146, note. 
<§, See Morton's Let. before cited. 



456 

quent periods of history, are found too busied 
with their own concerns, to attend much to 
those of others. Hence this extraordinary com- 
mission was never executed, and the plan set 
on foot within three years after, " for revoking 
the patent of the Massachusetts," * proved abor- 
tive. Literary correspondences inimical to the 
province, commenced with Archbishop Laud,t in 
1638. t But in the pious language of our fath- 
ers, " the Lord delivered them from the op- 
pressor;"^ " against all men's expectations they 
were encouraged, and much blame and disgrace 
fell upon their adversaries." || Yet notwithstand- 
ing, " a spirit full of malignity against the coun- 
try (not very long after) much endangered both 
its civil and religious liberties." H 

* Hutch. Hist. vol. i. p. 48, 51. 

tLaud was the favourite character selected for a corres- 
pondent by the American letter-writers of the last century ; 
in the next age mankind will be as well acquainted with the 
genius and spirit of some more modern British correspond- 
ents, as they now are with the temper of that renowned 
prelate. 

J Hutch. Hist. vol. i. p. 8G. § Morton's Memo. p. 15. 

II Same book, p. 35. See also, Collect, of Orig. Papers. 
&c. p. 52. Vi Morton's Memo. p. 96, 187- 



457 

More than a century ago, " the great privi- 
leges of New England were matter of envy,"* 
and accordingly complaints multiplied to Crom- 
well, f no doubt for the benevolent purpose of 
abridging what were called English liberties. 
" All attempts to the prejudice of the colony be- 
ing to no purpose " J with the Protector, the ad- 
versaries of the province were despondent, until 
the restoration of Charles the Second gave new 
hopes ; when " petitions and complaints were pre- 
ferred against the colony to the king in council, 
and to the Parliament." ^ 

" False friends and open enemies " now became 
the terror of the country, || while new foes brought 
new charges to render it obnoxious. H " The great 
men and natives of the country made their com- 
plaints also to the king."** The consequences 
were such as might be expected. " Four persons 
were sent over from England, one of them the 

* Hutch. Hist. p. 194. t lb. p. 192, 194. 

T lb. p. 194. §Ib. p. 211. II lb. p. 220. 

1] lb. p. 224, 225. 

** Appen. to Hutch. Hist. No. 15. Another native of New 
England, as we have seen, about the year 1705, wrote to En- 
gland, that " this country would never be worth living in for- 
lawyers and gentlemen, until the charter was taken away." 

58 



458 

known and professed enemy of the country, with 
such extraordinary powers, that our ancestors 
with grief complain they were to be subjected to 
the arbitrary power of strangers proceeaing not by 
any established law, but by theirown discretion."* 
— How astonishingly uniform, how cruelly con- 
sistent has been the conduct of Britain from that 
day to the present ! 

Amid all these severe trials, the inhabitants of 
New England conducted with a virtue and piety 
worthy remembrance and imitation. " They 
appealed to God, — they came not into this wilder- 
ness to seek great things for themselves, but for 
the sake of a poor and quiet life ; " — they testi- 
fied to their sov(?reign, that " their liberties were 
dearer to them than their lives." f " Evil-minded 
men continue, however, to misrepresent them," J 
and what is almost incredible, " the distresses 
of the cohmy, during a war which excited com- 
passion in some, yet these very distresses were 
improved by others to render the colony more 
obnoxious."^ 

* Hutch. Hist. p. 232. 

t lb. p. 232, 233. Appen. No. 16, p. 542. 

X Hutch. Hist. p. 242, 243. § lb. p. 308, anno 1676. 



459 

Although " this is certain, that as the colony 
was at first settled, so it was preserved from ruin 
without any charge to the mother country;"* 
yet " in the height of the distress of war, and 
whilst the authority of the colony was contend- 
ing with the natives for the possession of the 
soil, complaints were making in England which 
struck at the powers of government." f With 
what ferocity have Americans been pursued from 
the earliest times ? That demon of malevo- 
lence, which went forth at the beginning, still 
spirits up our adversaries and persecutes the coun- 
try with unabated malice. 

" Randolph, who, the people of New England 
said, went up and down seeking to devour them," t 

* Hutch. Hist. p. 310. See also, in confirmation of the 
above, same Hist. 93—114. Vol. ii. p. 130, 204. 

t lb. 310, 311. "The dominion of the crown over this 
country before the arrival of our predecessors, was merely 
ideal. Their removal hither realized tiiat dominion, and has 
made tli(! country valuable both to the crown and nation, 
without any cost to either of them, from that time to this. 
Lveu in the most distressed state of our predecessors, when 
they expected to be destroyed by a general conspiracy and 
incursion of the Indian natives, they had no assistance from 
them." The Answer of the Council of the Province to 
Governor Hutchinson's Speech, 25th of Jan. 1773. 

I Hutch. Hist. p. 319. 



460 

was the next active emissary against the province. 
" He was incessant and open in endeavouring the 
alteration of the constitution."* In his open en- 
mity, he appears far less odious than those who 
have been equally inimical and equally indefati- 
gable to the same purpose, with more cowardice, 
dissimulation, and hypocrisy. Eight voyages 
were made across the Atlantic in the course of 
nine years by this inveterate spirit, with hostile 
intentions to the government. f Nor will it be 
surprising to find him thus expose his life upon 
the ocean, when such services acquired " new 
powers." t Have we not seen, in our own day, 
a similar policy adopted, and the same object op- 
erating as a motive to the like execrable conduct ? 
Such has been the strange, though unhappily con- 
sistent, conduct of our mother country, that she 
has laid temptations, and given rewards and sti- 
pends to those, who have slandered and betrayed 
her own children. Incited probably by the same 
motive, Cranfield rose up as in a league with 
Randolph, and " infamously represented the colo- 
ny as rogues and rebels."^ 

* Hutch. Hist. p. 335, 336. 

t lb. p. 329. t Il>- P- 329. § lb. p. 337- 



461 

Libels and conspiracies of this nature called for 
the interposition of authority : express laws were 
enacted for the prevention of like treasonable 
practices for the future ; and death being deemed 
the proper punishment for an enemy to his coun- 
try, traitors to the constitution were to suffer that 
penalty. Thus a "conspiracy to invade the com- 
monwealth, or any treacherous attempt to alter 
and subvert fundamentally the frame of polity 
and government, was made a capital offence." * 

Did our laws now contain a like provision, pub- 
lic conspirators and elevated parricides would 
tremble for their heads, who do not shudder at 
the enormity of their crimes. There are charac- 
ters in society so devoid of virtue and endued with 
ferocity, that nothing but sanguinary laws can re- 
strain their wickedness. Even the distress and 
cries of their native country excite no compassion ; 
reverence for fathers, and affection for children, 
cause no reluctance at measures which stain the 
glorious lineage of their ancestors with infamy, 
and blast their spreading progeny with oppression. 
That emanation from the deity which creates 
them intelligents, seems to cease its operation ; and 



* Hutch. Hist. p. 442. 



462 

the tremendous idea of a God and futurity, ex- 
cites neither repentance nor reformation. 

Thus, my countrymen, from the days of Gar- 
diner and Morton,* Gorges and Mason, f Ran- 
dolph and Cranfield.J down to the present day, 
the inhabitants of this Northern region have con- 
stantly been in danger and troubles from foes open 
and secret, abroad and in their bosom. Our free- 
dom has been the object of envy, and to make 
void the charter of our liberties the work and 
labour of an undiminished race of villains. One 
cabal having failed of success, new conspirators 
have risen, and what the first could not make 
*' void," the next " humbly desired to revoke." § 
To this purpose one falsehood after another hath 
been fabricated and spread abroad with equal tur- 
pitude and equal effrontery. That minute detail 
which would present actors now on the stage, is 
the province of history. She, inexorably severe 
towards the eminently guilty, will delineate their 
characters with the point of a diamond ; — and 
thus blazoned in the face of day, the abhorrence 



* Hutch. Hist. p. 31, 32, anno 1632. 

t lb. p. 51, anno l636. 

I lb. p. 337. And Collec. of Grip. Paijeis, &c. p. 477, &c. 

§Ib. p. 31, 32, 35. 



46S 

and execrations of mankind will consign them to 
an infamous immortality. 

So great has been the credulity of the British 
Court, from the beginning, or such hath been the 
activity of false brethren, that no tale inimical to 
the Northern Colonies, however false or absurd, 
but what hath found credit with administration, 
and operated to the prejudice of the country. 
Thus it was told, and believed in England, that 
we were not in earnest in the expedition against 
Canada at the beginning of this century, and that 
the country did every thing in its power to defeat 
the success of it, and that the misfortune of that 
attempt ought to be wholly attributed to the 
northern colonies. While nothing could be more 
obvious, than that New England had exhausted 
her youngest blood and all her treasures in the 
undertaking ; and that every motive of self-preser- 
vation, happiness, and safety must have operated 
to excite these provinces to the most spirited and 
persevering measures against Canada.* 

The people who are attacked by bad men have 
a testimony of their merit, as the constitution 
which is invaded by powerful men, hath an evi- 

* See Jcr. Dummer's Letter to a Noble Lord, edit. 1712. 
p. 12, 13, &c. 



464 

dence of its value. The path of our duty needs 
no minute delineation ; — it lies level to the eye. 
Let us apply then like men sensible of its impor- 
tance and determined on its fulfdment. The in- 
roads upon our public liberty call for reparation ; 
the wrongs we have sustained, call for justice. 
That reparation, and that justice, may yet be ob- 
tained by union, spirit, and firmness. But to di- 
vide and conquer, was the maxim of the devil in 
the garden of Eden ; and to disunite and enslave 
hath been the principle of all his votaries from 
that period to the present. The crimes of the 
guilty are to them the cords of association, and 
dread of punishment, the indissoluble bond of 
union. The combinations of public robbers 
ought, therefore, to cement patriots and heroes : 
and as the former plot and conspire to undermine 
and destroy the commonwealth, the latter ought 
to form a compact for opposition, — a band of ven- 
geance. 

What insidious arts, and what detestable practi- 
ces have been used to deceive, disunite, and en- 
slave the good people of this continent ? The 
mystical appellations of loyalty and allegiance, the 
Venerable names of government and good order, 
and the sacred ones of piety and public virtue, have 



465 

been alternately prostituted to that abominable 
purpose. All the windings and guises, subterfuges 
and doublings, of which the human soul is sus- 
ceptible, have been displayed on the occasion. 
But secrets which were thought impenetrable are 
no longer hid ; characters deeply disguised are 
openly revealed : the discovery of gross impostors 
hath generally preceded, but a short time, their 
utter extirpation. 

Be not again, my countrymen, " easily captivat- 
ed with the appearances only of w^isdom and piety 
— professions of a regard to liberty and of a strong 
attachment to the public interest."* Your fathers 
have been explicitly charged with this folly by 
one of their posterity. Avoid this and all similar 
errors. Be cautious against the deception of ap- 
pearances. " By their fruits ye shall know them," 
was the saying of one who perfectly knew the hu- 
man heart. Judge of affairs which concern social 
happiness by facts : — ;judge of man by his deeds. 
For it is very certain, that pious zeal for days and 
times, for mint and cummin, hath often been pre- 
tended by those who were infidels at bottom ; and 
it is as certain, that attachment to the dignity of 

* Hutch. Hist. vol. i. p. 53. 

59 



466 

government, and the King's service, hath often 
flowed from the mouths of men who harboured 
the darkest machinations against tht^ true end of 
the former, and were destitute of every right prin- 
ciple of loyahy to the latter. Hence, then, care 
and circumspection are necessary branches of po- 
litical duty. And as "it is much easier to re- 
strain liberty from running into licentiousness, 
than power from swelling into tyranny and op- 
pression, " * so much more caution and resistance 
are required against the overbearing of rulers, 
than the extravagance of the people. 

To give no more authority to any order of state, 
and to place no greater public confidence in any 
man, than is necessary for the general welfare, 
may be considered by the people as an important 
point of policy. But though craft and hypocrisy 
are prevalent, yet piety and virtue have a real ex- 
istence : duplicity and political imposture abound, 
yet benevolence and public spirit are not altogeth- 
er banished the world. As wolves will appear in 
sheep's clothing, so superlative knaves and parri- 
cides will assume the vesture of the man of virtue 
and patriotism. 

* Lords' Prot. p. 141, anno 1736. 



467 

These things are permitted by providence, no 
doubt, for wise and good reasons. Man was cre- 
ated a rational, and was designed for an active be- 
ing. His faculties of intelligence and force were 
given him for use. When the wolf, therefore, is 
found devouring the flock, no hierarchy forbids a 
seizure of the victim for sacrifice ; so also, when 
dignified impostors are caught destroying those 
whom their arts deceived and their stations destin- 
ed them to protect, — the sabre of justice flashes 
righteousness at the stroke of execution. 

Yet be not amused, my countrymen ! — the ex- 
tirpation of bondage, and the reestablishment of 
freedom, are not of easy acquisition. The worst 
passions of the human heart, and the most subtle 
projects of the human mind, are leagued against 
you ; and principalities and powers have acceded 
to the combination. Trials and conflicts you 
must, therefore, endure ; — hazards and jeopardies 
— of life and fortune — will attend the struirfrle. 
Such is the fate of all noble exertions for public 
liberty and social happiness. Enter not the lists 
without thought and consideration, lest you arm 
with timidity and combat wath irresolution. 
Having engaged in the conflict, let nothing dis- 
courage your vigour, or repel your perseverance. 



468 

Remember that submission to the yoke of bond- 
age is the worst that can befall a people after the 
most fierce and unsuccessful resistance. What can 
the misfortunes of vanquishment take away, which 
despotism and rapine would spare ? "It had been 
easy," said the great lawgiver, Solon, to the Athe- 
nians,* "to repress the advances of tyranny, and 
prevent its establishment ; but now it is estab- 
lished and grown to some height, it would be more 
glorious to demolish it." But nothing glorious is 
accomplished, nothing great is attained, nothing 
valuable is secured, without magnanimity of mind 
and devotion of heart to the service. Brutus-like, 
therefore, dedicate yourselves at this day to the 
service of your country ; and henceforth live a 
life of liberty and glory. "On the ides of 
March," said the great and good man to his friend 
Cassius, just before the battle of Philippi, — " on 
the ides of March I devoted my life to my country, 
and since that time, I have lived a life of liberty 
and glory." 

Inspired with public virtue, touched with the 
wrongs and indignant at the insults offered his 
country, the high-spirited Cassius exhibits an he- 

* Plut. Life of Solon. 



469 

roic example : — " Resolved as we are," replied 
the hero to his friend, — " resolved as we are, let us 
march against the eneniy ; for though we should 
not conquer, we have nothing to fear.* 

Spirits and genii, like these, rose in Rome — 
and have since adorned Britain : such also will one 
day make glorious this more western world. 
America hath in store her Bruti and Cassii — her 
Hampdens and Sydneys — patriots and heroes, 
who will form a band of brothers : — men who will 
have memories and feelings — courage and swords : 
— courage that shall inflame their ardent bosoms, 
till their hands cleave to their swords — and thek 
swords to their enemies' hearts. 



The author has felt exquisitely while writing upon the subjects of his 
consideration ; and the multitude and perplexity of his private business 
have denied him sufficient time to revise this publication. Under these 
circumstances, and being also several years on this side of the meridian 
of the age of man, there will be found, no doubt, many indiscretions and 
faults for those of riper years and cooler judgment to correct and cen- 
sure. — The great Lord Chancellor Bacon hath told us of wise legislators, 
who have made their law upon the spur of the occasion : — a good citi- 
zen, deeply pricked by the spur of the times, is very apt to start with an 
over-hasty speed. The only excuse of the writer is, that as he at first 
assumed his pen from the impulses of his conscience, so he now pub- 
lishes his sentiments firom a sense of duty to God and his country. 

* Plut. Life of Brutus. 



APPENDIX. 



Extract from the " Memoirs of Benjamin Franklin^ 
written by himself " 

"In 1755, war being in a manner commenced 
with France, the government of Massachusetts 
Bay projected an attack upon Crown Point, and 
sent Mr Quincy to Pennsylvania, and Mr Pownall 
(afterwards Governor Pownall) to New York to 
solicit assistance. As I was in the assembly, 
knew its temper, and was Mr Quincy's country- 
man, he applied to me for my influence and as- 
sistance : I dictated his address to them, which 
was well received. They voted an aid of ten 
thousand pounds to be laid out in provisions. But 
the Governor refusing his assent to their bill 
(which included this with other sums granted for 
the use of the crown), unless a clause were inserted 
exempting the proprietary estate from bearing any 
part of the tax that would be necessary ; the as- 
sembly, though very desirous of making their grant 



472 

to New England effectual, were at a loss how to 
accomplish it. Mr Quincy laboured hard with 
the Governor to obtain his assent, but he was ob- 
stinate. I then suggested a method of doing the 
business without the Governor, by orders on the 
trustees of the loan office, which, by law, the as- 
sembly had the right of drawing. There was in- 
deed little or no money at the time in the office, 
and therefore I proposed that the orders should be 
payable in a year, and to bear an interest of five 
per cent. : with these orders I supposed the provi- 
sions might be easily purchased. The assembly 
with very little hesitation adopted the proposal, 
the orders were immediately printed, and I was 
one of the committee directed to sign and dispose 
of them. The fund for paying them was the in- 
terest of all the paper currency then extant in 
the province upon loan, together with the revenue 
arising from the excise ; which being known to 
be more than sufficient, they obtained credit, and 
were not only taken in payment for the provisions, 
but many monied people, who had cash lying by 
them, vested it in those orders, which they found 
advantageous, as they bore interest while upon 
hand, and might on any occasion be used as 
money. So that they were all eagerly bought 



473 

up, and in a few weeks none of them were to be 
seen. Thus this important affair was by this 
means completed. Mr Quincy returned thanks to 
the assembly in a handsome memorial, went home 
highly pleased with the success of his embassy, 
and ever after bore for me the most cordial and 
affectionate friendship." 



Dr Franklin to Josiah Quincy. 

London, April 8, 17G1. 

Dear Sir, 

r received your very obliging letter of Dec. 
25, by the hand of your valuable son,* who had 
before favoured me now and then with a kind 
visit. I congratulate you on his account, as I 
am sure you must have a great deal of satisfaction 
in him. His ingenuous, manly, and generous be- 
haviour in a transaction here with the Society of 
Arts, gave me great pleasure, as it was much to 
his reputation. 

I am glad my weak endeavours for our com- 
mon interest were acceptable to you and my 
American friends ; I shall be very happy indeed if 
any good arises from them. The people in pow- 

* Edmund Quincy. 

60 



474 

er here do now seem convinced of the truth of 
the principles I have inculcated, and incline to 
act upon them ; but how far they will be able 
to do so at a peace, is still uncertain, especially as 
the war in Germany grows daily less favourable 
to us. My kinsman, Williams, was but ill-inform- 
ed in the account he gave you of my situation here. 
The Assembly voted me £1500 sterling, when 
I left Philadelphia, to defray the expense of my 
voyage, and negotiations in England, since which 
they have given nothing more, though I have been 
here near four years. They will, I make no 
doubt, on winding up the affair, do what is just, 
but they cannot afford to be extravagant, as that 
report would make them. * * * * * * 
Pray make my best respects acceptable to your 
amiable family, and do me the justice to believe 
that no one more sincerely wishes a continuance 
of your happiness, than. 
Dear friend, 

Yours most affectionately, 

Benjamin Franklin. 



475 



Thomas Hollis Esq. to Edmund Qiiincy, Boston. 

Pall Mall, October 1, 1766. 

Sir, 

I beg you to accept my best acknowledg- 
ments for a long, curious, and interesting letter, 
dated July 25th, though written on a melancholy 
occasion, and for other matters which accompa- 
nied that letter. The death of that able, good, 
public man, Dr May hew, my old and much es- 
teemed friend, has grieved me excessively. He 
seems to have died through overstrain of applica- 
tion and philanthropy. I pray God to soften the 
afflictions of his widow, that accomplished, excel- 
lent lady, and to endue her with fortitude equal to 
her loss. The resolution taken by her, not to 
publish any posthumous works of his, appears to 
me to be judicious. 

I guess not distinctly at what the hint thrown 
out to you by the late worthy Doctor alluded. It 
is true I honoured and valued him exceedingly, 
and not long since repeatedly wrote to him, that 
I was his assured friend ; which he would have 
experienced, particularly in case he had been or- 
dered here on the stamp act, as was more than 
once whispered, with what truth I know not. 



476 

Not a book has been sent more to the college 
at Cambridge, as I recollect, through request or 
inclination of that excellent man, for he made no 
request of that sort, thougli it would have been 
complied with ; nor will now be sent less that he 
is dead ; nor did he or any one know in any de- 
gree, till lately, the plan adopted by me in regard 
to books intended to be presented to that college. 

I confess to bear affection towards the people 
of North America ; those of Massachusetts, and 
Boston in particular, believing them to be a good 
and brave people. Long may they continue such, 
and the spirit of luxury, now consuming us to the 
very marrow here at home, kept out from them ! 
One likeliest means to that end will be, to watch 
well over their youth, by bestowing on them a 
reasonable, manly education, and selecting thereto 
the wisest, ablest, most accomplished men, that 
art or wealth can obtain ; for nations rise and fall 
by individuals not by numbers, as I think all his- 
tory proveth. With ideas of this kind have I 
worked for the public library of Cambridge iix 
New England, neither caring too exactly to re- 
member how^ the last best library in all America 
was lost there ; nor sparing towards it expense, 
labour, or time. It is certain, the last winter I 



477 

passed in town, against inclination, health, and 
conveniency, On account of the stamp act ; ^nd 
this summer with much preceding time — time, 
the most valuable of all things, — on account of that 
library. If any good hath followed from this pro- 
cedure, or should follow from it, I shall be con- 
tent. After sustaining a thirteen years' un- 
remitted campaign, day, week, and month, year 
following year, successive to each other ; altering, 
though not broken in constitution, yet verging, it 
may be towards a Mayhew's fate, without his 
magnanimity, — I now seek relaxation and quiet ; 
and am going into Dorsetshire, where I have some 
estate, but no house, the ensuing winter or spring, 
it is probable to settle there. ****** 
***** J i^^yQ jjQt attended the meeting: 
of the Society instituted for promoting " Arts and 
Commerce," in the Strand, for years past, some- 
thing having happened there, which made me deem 
it right to keep away. But every other service in 
my power I gladly render to that noble society. 
The article relating to it in your letter, was cop- 
ied and sent directly to Dr Tcmpleman. 
I am with great respect, Sir, 

your much obliged and 

most obedient servant, 
Thomas Hollis. 



478 
Dr Franklin to Josiah Quincy, Braintree. 

London, February 26, 1775. 

Dear Sir, 

I received, and perused with great pleasure, 
the letter you honoured me with, by your amiable 
and valuable son. I thank you for introducing 
me to the acquaintance of a person so deserving 
of esteem for his public and private virtues. I 
hope for your sake, and that of his friends and 
country, that his present indisposition may wear 
off, and his health be established. His coming 
over has been of great service to our cause, and 
would have been much greater, if his constitution 
would have borne the fatigues of being more fre- 
quently in company. He can acquaint you so 
fully with the state of things here, that my en- 
larging upon them will be unnecessary. I most 
sincerely wish him a prosperous voyage, and a 
happy meeting with his friends and family ; and 
to you, my old dear friend, and the rest of those 
you love, every kind of felicity ; being, with the 
truest esteem and affection, 
Yours, 

Benjamin Franklin. 



479 

P. S. Besides that the air of this city is 
found extremely prejudicial to his health, all our 
friends here are of opinion that your son's return 
at this time, when writing is so inconvenient, 
may be of singular service. — ^ " 



John Adams Esq. to Josiah Quincy, Braintree. 

Philadelphia, July 29, 1775. 

Dear Sir, 

I had yesterday the honour of your letter of 
July the eleventh, and I feel myself much obliged 
by your kind attention to me and my family, but 
much more, by your care for the public safety, 
and the judicious and important observations you 
have made. Your letters, sir, so far from being 
" a burthen," I consider as an honour to me, be- 
sides the pleasure and instruction they afford me. 
Believe me, sir, nothing is of more importance 
to me, in my present most arduous and laborious 
employment, than a constant correspondence with 
gentlemen of experience, whose characters are 
known. The minutest fact, the most trivial 
event, that is connected with the great American 
cause, becomes important in the present critical 
situation of affairs, when a revolution seems to be 



480 

in the designs of providence, as important as any 
that ever happened in the affairs of mankind. 

We jointly lament the loss of a Quincy, and 
a Warren ; two characters as great in proportion 
to their age, as any that I have ever known in 
America. Our country mourns the loss of both, 
and sincerely sympathizes with the feelings of the 
mother of the one, and the father of the other. 
They were both my intimate friends, with whom 
I lived and conversed, with pleasure and advan- 
tage. I was animated by them, in the painful, 
dangerous course of opposition to the oppressions 
brought upon our country, and the loss of them 
has wounded me too deeply, to be easily healed. 
Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori. The ways 
of heaven are dark and intricate, but you may 
remember the words, which, many years ago, 
you and I fondly admired, and which, upon many 
occasions, I have found advantage in recollecting. 

" Why should I grieve, when grieving I must bear, 
And take with guilt, what guiltless I might share ? " 

1 have a great opinion of your knowledge and 
judgment from long experience, concerning the 
channels and islands in Boston harbour ; but I 
confess your opinion that the harbour might be 
blocked up, and seamen and soldiers made pris- 



481 

oners, at discretion, was too bold and enterprizing 
for me, who am not very apt to startle at a dar- 
ing proposal ; but I believe I may safely promise 
you powder enough, in a little time, for any pur- 
pose whatever. We are assured, in the strongest 
manner, of saltpetre and powder in sufficient 
plenty another year, of our own make. That 
both are made in this city, you may report with 
confidence, for I have seen both, — and I have 
seen a set of very large powder works, and anoth- 
er of saltpetre. 

I hope, sir, we shall never see a total stagna- 
tion of commerce for any length of time. Neces- 
sity will force open our ports ; trade, if I mistake 
not, will be more free than usual. Your friend, 
Dr Franklin, to whom I read your letter, and who 
desires his kind compliments to you, has been 
employed in directing the construction of row- 
gallies for this city. The Committee of Safety 
for this province have ordered twenty of them to 
be built ; some of them are finished. I have seen 
one of them ; it has twelve oars on each side. 
They rowed up the river the first time, four miles 
in an hour, against a tide which ran down four 
miles an hour. The congress have recommended 
to the colonies, to make provision for the defence 
Gl 



482 

of their navigation, in their harbours, rivers, and 
on their seacoasts. Of a floating battery I have 
no idea — am glad you are contriving one. 

You tell me, sir, that General Lee complained 
that " he did not find things as the Massachusetts 
delegates had represented them." What Gen- 
eral Lee could mean by this, sir, I know not. 
What particular he found different from the repre- 
sentation, I do not know ; nor do I know which 
delegate from the Massachusetts, he received a 
mistaken representation from. I think he should 
have been particular, that he might not have 
run the risk of doing an injury. If General Lee 
should do injustice to two of the Massachusetts 
delegates, he would commit ingratitude at the 
same time ; for to two of them he certainly owes 
his promotion in the American army, how great a 
hazard soever they ran in agreeing to it. I 
know him very thoroughly, I think, and that he 
will do great service in our army at the begin- 
ning of things, by forming it to order, skill, 
and discipline. But we shall soon have officers 
enough. * * * i * Your friend and humble 
servant, 

John Adams. 



483 



Gen, Washington to Josiah Quincy^ Brainiree. 

Cambridge, November 4, 1775. 

Sir, 

Your favour of the 31st ult. was presented to 
me yesterday. I thank you (as I shall do every 
gentleman) for suggesting any measure, which 
you conceive to be conducive to the public ser- 
vice ; but in the adoption of a plan, many things 
are to be considered to decide upon the utility of 
it. In the one proposed by you, I shall not 
undertake to determine whether it be good, or 
whether it be bad ; but thus much I can say, that 
if there is any spot upon the main, which has an 
equal command of the ship-channel to Boston 
harbour (and give me leave to add that Point 
Alderton is not without its advocates), in all other 
respects it must have infinitely the preference ; 
because the expense of so many batteries as you 
propose, with the necessary defences to secure the 
channel, the communication, and a retreat in the 
dernier resort from the east end of Long Island, 
are capital objections. Not, I confess, of such 
importance as to weigh against the object in view, 
if the scheme is practicable. But what signifies 
Long Island, Point Alderton, Dorchester, &c., 



484 

while we arc in a manner destitute of can- 
non, and compelled to keep the little powder we 
have, for the use of the musketry. The knowl- 
edge of this fact is an unanswerable argument 
against every place, and may serve to account for 
my not having viewed the several spots which 
have been so advantageously spoken of, I am 
uot without intentions of making them a visit, and 
shall assuredly do myself the honour of calling 
upon you. In the mean while, permit me to 
thank you most cordially for your polite invita- 
tion, and to assure you that I am, sir, 
Your most obedient 

Humble servant, 
George Washington. 



James Bowdoin to Josiah Qtiincy, Braintree. 

Middieborough, January 29, 177(i. 

Dear Sir, 

After looking over and calculating the papers 

jVIr came about, my ej^es, and a pain in 

my breast consequent on writing, and which will 
oblige me to throw aside the pen entirely, would 
scarcely permit me to read, much less to attempt 
an answer to your very friendly letter of the 22d. 



485 

Your obervations on the friendships of this 
world are very just ; the most of those friend- 
ships are mere varnish, and quickly end in disap- 
pointment ; and even when they are sincere, from 
the transient nature of earthly felicity, and the 
accidents humanity is heir to, they can be but 
short-lived. In this, as in every thing else, the 
wisdom of our beneficent Creator is discernible ; 
who, intending us for a superior state of exist- 
ence, is disciplining and preparing us for it, by 
those very accidents and disappointments, which, 
in concurrence with other things, discover to us 
that real friendship and permanent felicity are to 
be expected in that state only. Hence, if we 
suffer not a wayward humour or false expecta- 
tions to misguide us, we shall be induced to place 
our hopes, affections, and dependence there, upon 
objects worthy of them ; but primarily and super- 
latively on that Being, whose friendship, like 
himself, is eternal and unchangeable ; and who, 
by the mediation of our blessed Redeemer, will 
completely beatify the virtuous expectants of his 
kingdom. 

In the mean time, notwithstanding past dis- 
appointments, we should endeavour to cultivate 
the social, friendly principle within us, the cul- 



486 

culture of which will not only yield a present sat- 
isfaction, but form a habit, which will introduce 
us with great advantage, to the acquaintance and 
friendship of kindred spirits in the future state. 
Good habits thus induced are as well calculated 
to introduce us to such an acquaintance there, as 
polished manners into good company here. Both 
of them seem to be the effect of education, — of 
education in an extended sense, including the 
whole of our progress in this state. Agreeably 
to which sense this world may be considered as 
a great school, in which mankind in different 
classes have different employments assigned them. 
Those that make the best, or any proficiency, will 
finally be honoured with the approbation of the 
great Preceptor, who will distinguish and advance 
them, according to their respective merits. But 
the greatest proficient will then find he has not 
got beyond the rudiments of science. His bright- 
ened intellect will discover to him new paths of 
science, of which, like the joys he participates, it 
never entered into the heart of man to form any 
conception ; and which will afford him infinite 
matter for the improvement of his growing facul- 
ties, and for praise and thanksgiving to the adora- 
ble Creator to all eternity. May you and I be 



487 

companions together in this glorious employment ; 
and have an opportunity of cultivating a friendship, 
not like the friendships of this world, interrupted 
by many accidents, and oftentimes by the op- 
pressive hand of despotism, — which has lately 
made some of us fugitives, and aims to make us 
vagabonds on the earth, — but, with the favour 
of our Creator, like our future selves, immortal, 
and always improving, " growing with our growth, 
and strengthening with our strength." 

Pardon this reverie, as it was occasioned by the 
kind expressions of your obliging letter ; and be- 
lieve me to be with sincere esteem. 
Dear Sir, 

Your most obedient humble servant, 

James Bowdoin. 



Gen. Washington, to Josiah Qnincij, Braintree. 

Cambridge, March 24, 1776. 

Sir, 

I am favoured with your letter of the 21st 
instant. It came to hand this afternoon, and I 
thank you for the many kind and flattering ex- 
pressions it contains. To obtain the applause of 
deserving men is a heart-felt satisfaction, — to merit 



488 

it, is my highest wish. If my conduct, therefore, 
as an instrumefit in the late signal interposition of 
Providence, hath merited the approbation of this 
great country, I shall esteem it one of the most 
fortunate and happy events of my life. I ac- 
knowledge myself your debtor for the share you 
have bestowed on me of it. The continuance of 
the fleet in Nantasket roads affords matter for 
speculation ; it surpasses my comprehension, and 
awakens all my suspicions. I have taken every 
step in my power, to guard against surprises ; but 
the temper of your people seems to me to be ap- 
prehensive of no danger till it stares them in the 
face. I do not think there is cause to apprehend 
such marauding parties as you dread ; if any stroke 
is aimed, it will be a capital one ; for which rea- 
son I wish to be much upon my guard, and there- 
fore have appointed guard-boats, look-outs, &c. 
There is one evil I dread, and that is their spies. 
I could wish, therefore, that the most attentive" 
watch was kept, to prevent any intercourse with 
the ships and the main land ; for this purpose, and 
to prevent suspected persons (for I have no doubt 
but that trusty soldiers, sergeants, and even com- 
missioned officers in disguise will be sent out) 
from travelling about, I wish a dozen or more of 



489 

honest, sensible, and diligent men were employed 
to haunt the communication, between Roxbury, 
and the different landing-places nearest the ship- 
ping, in order to question, cross-question, &:c. 
all such persons as are unknown, and cannot give 
an account of themselves in a straight and satis- 
factory line. If you could hire men for this pur- 
pose, whilst the shipping continue where they now 
are, I would pay the wages you agree upon, and 
thank you for the trouble, as I think it a matter 
of some importance to prevent them from obtain- 
ing intelligence of our situation. The earliest in- 
formation should also be communicated of any 
movements which may be discovered, and w hether 
any of the shipping are getting out, as it were by 
stealth. 

I am exceedingly sorry to hear of your indispo- 
sition, and heartily wish you a perfect restoration to 
health. I should be very happy to take you by 
the hand, before I bid adieu to the colony ; but as 
my motions are regulated by those of the enemy, 
I cannot say when or where it can happen, 
In sincerity and truth, I remain. 
Dear Sir, 

Your most obedient and obliged servant, 
George Washington. 
62 



490 
Gei%. Washington to Josiah Quincy, Braintree. 

New York, April 25, 1776. 

Dear Sir, 

Your favour of the seventh instant coming 
duly to hand, I thank you for the intelligence 
therein contained. It gives me pain, to find from 
your account that matters are taking a wrong bias 
in the politics of }our government. 1 left five 
regiments (upon an average as strong as any in 
the service) to erect such works, and in such 
places, as should be deemed most conducive to the 
defence of the harbour. I did, as it was a gov- 
ernment concern, leave the works which should be 
constructed for the defence of the harbour, to the 
adoption of the General Court, under the auspices 
of Colonel Gridlcy, whom I have been taught to 
view as one of the greatest engineers of the age. 
If things have gone wrong, I can only express my 
concern, and lament that time at so important a 
Juncture should be wasted, and the best mode for 
the defence of the harbour neglected. My ex- 
treme hurry will only allow me, in addition to 
what I have said, to thank you most cordially for 
your friendly wishes, and to assure you, that I am 
with great truth and sincerity, Dear Sir, 
Your most obedient 

and obliged, humble servant, 

George Washington. 



491 



Dr Franklin to Josiah Qiiincy, Braintree. 

Saratoga, April 15, 1776. 

Dear Sir, 

I am here on my way to Canada, detained 
by the present state of the lakes, in which the 
unthawed ice obstructs navigation. I begin to 
apprehend that I have undertaken a fatigue that 
at my time of life may prove too much for me, so 
I sit down to write to a few friends by way of 
farewell. 

I congratulate you on the departure of your late 
troublesome neighbours. I hope your country will 
now for some time have rest, and that care will be 
taken so to fortify Boston, as that no force shall 
be able again to get footing there. Your very 
kind letter of November 13th, enclosing Lord 
Chatham's and Lord Camden's speeches, I duly 
received. I think no one can be more sensible 
than I am of the favours of corresponding friends, 
but I find it impossible to answer as I ought. At 
present I think you will deem me inexcusable, 
and therefore I will not attempt an apology. But 
|f you should ever happen to be at the same time 
oppressed with years and business, you may then 
extenuate a little for your old friend. 



The notes of the speeches taken by your son, 
whose loss I shall ever deplore with you, are ex- 
ceedingly valuable, as being by much the best 
account preserved of that day's debate. 

You ask, " When is the continental congress by 
general consent to be formed into a supreme legis- 
lature ; alliances, defensive and oifensive, form- 
ed ; our ports opened ; and a formidable naval 
force established at the public charge ? " I can 
only answer at present, that nothing seems want- 
ing but that " general consent." The novelty of 
the thing deters some, the doubt of success, others, 
the vain hope of reconciliation, many. But our 
enemies take continually every proper measure to 
remove these obstacles, and their endeavours are 
attended with success, since every day furnishes 
us with new causes of increasing enmity, and new 
reasons for wishing an eternal separation ; so that 
there is a rapid increase of the formerly small 
party who were for an independent government. 

Your epigram on Lord Chatham's remark has 
amply repaid me for the song. Accept my thanks 
for it, and for the charming extract of a lady's 
letter, contained in your favour of January 22d. 
I thought, when I sat down, to have written by 
this opportunity to Dr Cooper, Mr Bowdoin, and 



493 

Dr Winthrop, but I am interrupted. Be so good 
as to present my affectionate respects to them, 
and to your family. 

Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me ever 
Yours most affectionately, 

Benjamin Franklin. 



Dr Franklin to Josiah Qiiincy, Braintree. 

Passy, April 22, 1779. 

Dear Sir, 

I received your very kind letter by Mr Brad- 
ford, who appears a very sensible and amiable 
young gentleman, to whom I should with pleas- 
ure render any services in my power upon your 
much respected recommendation ; but I under- 
stand he returns immediately. 

It is with great sincerity I join you in ac- 
knowledging and admiring the dispensations of 
Providence in our favour. America has only to 
be thankful, and to persevere. God will finish 
his work, and establish their freedom ; and the 
lovers of liberty will flock from all parts of Eu- 
rope with their fortunes to participate with us of 
that freedom, as soon as peace is restored. 



494 

I am exceedingly pleased with your account of 
the French politeness and civility, as it appeared 
among the officers and people of their fleet. 
They have certainly advanced in those respects 
many degrees beyond the English. I find them 
here a most amiable nation to live with. The 
Spaniards are by common opinion supposed to be 
cruel, the English proud, the Scotch insolent, 
the Dutch avaricious, &c. but I think the French 
have no national vice ascribed to them. They 
have some frivolities, but they are harmless. To 
dress their heads so that a hat cannot be put on 
them, and then wear their hats under their arms, 
and to fill their noses with tobacco, may be called 
follies perhaps, but they are not vices. They are 
only the effects of the tyranny of custom. In 
«hort, there is nothing wanting in the character of 
a Frenchman, that belongs to that of an agreeable 
and worthy man. There are only some trifles 
surplus, or which might be spared. 

Will you permit me, while I do them this jus- 
tice, to hint a little censure on our own country 
people, which I do in good will, wishing the 
cause removed. You know the necessity we are 
under of supplies from Europe, and the difficulty 
we have at present in making returns. The in- 



495 

terest bills would do a good deal towards purchasing 
arms, ammunition, clothing, sail-cloth, and other 
necessaries for defence. Upon inquiry of those 
who present these bills to me for acceptance, what 
the money is to be laid out in, I find that most 
of it is for superfluities, and more than half of it 
for tea ! How unhappily in this instance the folly 
of our people, and the avidity of our merchants, 
concur to weaken and impoverish our country ! 
I formerly computed that we consumed before the 
war, in that single article, the value of £500,000 
sterling annually. Much of this \\as saved by 
stopping the use of it. I honoured the virtuous 
resolution of our women in foregoing that little 
gratification, and I lament that such virtue should 
be of so short duration ! Five hundred thousand 
pounds sterling, annually laid out in defending 
ourselves, or annoying our enemies, would have 
great effect. With what face can we ask aids 
and subsidies from our friends, while we are wast- 
ing our own wealth in such prodigality ? With 
great and sincere esteem I have the honour to be. 
Dear Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

Benjamin Franklin. 



496 



Dr Franklin to Josiah Quincy, Braintree. 

Passy, September 11, 1783. 

My Dear Sir, 

\j^ac' Mr told me not long since, that you 

complained of my not writing to you. You had 
reason, Ibr I find among your letters two unan- 
swered. The truth is, I have had too much 
business to do for the public, and too little help 
allowed me ; so that it became impossible for me 
to keep up my private correspondencies. I prom- 
ised myself more leisure when the definitive treaty 
of peace should be concluded. But that, it 
seems, is to be followed by a treaty of commerce, 
which will probably take up a good deal of time, 
and require much attention. 1 seize this interim 
to sit down and have a little chat with my friends 
in America. 

I lament with you, the many mischiefs, the 
injustice, the corruption of manners, &c. that 
attended a depreciating currency. It is some 
consolation to me that I washed my hands of 
that evil, by predicting it in congress, and pro- 
posing means that would have been effectual to 
prevent it, if they had been adopted. Subsequent 
operations that I have executed, demonstrate that 



497 

my plan was practicable. But it was unfortunate- 
ly rejected. Considering all our mistak'^s and 
mismanagements, it is wonderful we have finished 
our affair so well and so soon ! Indeed, I am 
wrong in using that expression — We have finished 
our affairs so well. Our blunders have been 
many, and they serve to manifest the hand of 
Providence more clearly in our favour, so that 
we may much more properly say, "These are 
thy doings, oh! Lord, and they are marvellous 
in our eyes ! " ia^hhj vm (; -1 

The epitaph on my dear and much esteemed 
young friend, is too well written, to be capable of 
improvement by any corrections of mine ; your 
moderation appears in it, since the natural affec- 
tion of a parent has not induced you to exaggerate 
his virtues. 

How admirably constituted was his noble and 
generous mind. Having plenty of merit in him- 
self, he was not jealous of the appearance of it 
in others. I shall always mourn his loss with 
you, a loss not easily made up to his country. 

***********! rejoice 
with you in the peace God has blessed us with, 
and in the prosperity it gives us a prospect of. 
63 



498 

The Definitive Treaty was signed the third in- 
stant. We are now friends with England, and 
with all mankind ! 

May we never see another war ! for in my 
opinion, there never was a good war, or a bad 

peace. 

Adieu, and believe me ever, 

My dear Friend, 

Yours most affectionately, 

Benjamin Franklin. 



THE END. 



3i^77-l 



